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Nation and Empire: Real and Political Unities 305this kind ceases, if the constituent elements no longer acquiesceand are drawn more powerfully by a centrifugal force, if at the<strong>same</strong> time the world outside no longer favours the combination,then force alone remains as the one agent of an artificial unity.<strong>The</strong>re arose indeed a new political convenience which the existenceof Austria served even after it suffered from this tendencyof dissolution, but that was the convenience of the Germanicidea which made it an inconvenience to the rest of Europe anddeprived it of the acquiescence of important constituent elementswhich were drawn towards other combinations outside the Austrianformula. From that moment the existence of the AustrianEmpire was in jeopardy and depended, not on any inner necessity,but first on the power of the Austro-Magyar partnershipto crush down the Slav nations within it and, secondly, on thecontinued power and dominance of Germany and the Germanicidea in Europe, that is to say, on force alone. And althoughin Austria the weakness of the imperial form of unity was singularlyconspicuous and its conditions exaggerated, still thoseconditions are the <strong>same</strong> for all empires which are not at the <strong>same</strong>time national units. It was not so long ago that most politicalthinkers perceived at least the strong possibility of an automaticdissolution of the British Empire by the self-detachment of thecolonies, in spite of the close links of race, language and originthat should have bound them to the mother country. This wasbecause the political convenience of imperial unity, though enjoyedby the colonies, was not sufficiently appreciated by themand, on the other hand, there was no living principle of nationaloneness. <strong>The</strong> Australians and Canadians were beginning to regardthemselves as new separate nations rather than as limbs ofan extended British nationality. Things are now changed in bothrespects, a wider formula has been dis<strong>cover</strong>ed, and the BritishEmpire is for the moment proportionately stronger.Nevertheless, it may be asked, why should this distinctionbe made of the political and the real unit when name, kindand form are the <strong>same</strong>? It must be made because it is of thegreatest utility to a true and profound political science and involvesthe most important consequences. When an empire like

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