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Medicine and philosophy - Classical Homeopathy Online

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48 Hippocratic Corpus <strong>and</strong> Diocles of Carystusdoes not concern a discrepancy between religious theory <strong>and</strong> religious practiceor between theology <strong>and</strong> cult, but a tension between different ideas inone <strong>and</strong> the same text. For there is a difference between intellectuals simplyparticipating (from habit or under social pressure) in cultic actions, <strong>and</strong>intellectuals, such as the author of On the Sacred Disease, making explicitstatements <strong>and</strong> definitions about what they believe should be the right wayof approaching the gods. Moreover, the author’s assertions not only concerncult <strong>and</strong> ritual, but also characteristics of the divine <strong>and</strong> the way inwhich it manifests itself within human experience. Therefore the problemdeserves to be considered, <strong>and</strong> we must try to find out how these two setsof religious opinions are related to each other.I shall first deal with the statements on the divine character of the disease<strong>and</strong> consider whether these admit of being extrapolated into a ‘theology’.This will for a substantial part consist in an attempt to evaluate <strong>and</strong> clarifythe interpretative debate on the author’s claim that ‘all diseases are divine<strong>and</strong> all are human’. Then I shall deal with the statements in his chapter 1<strong>and</strong> relate these to the assertions about the divine character of the disease.Finally I shall summarise my conclusions concerning the religious notionswhich can, with some degree of certainty, be attributed to the author of Onthe Sacred Disease.2 the divinity of diseasesIn spite of the vast literature on this subject (see n. 5 above) we may saythat basically there are two different interpretations of the use of the words‘divine’ (theios) <strong>and</strong> ‘human’ (anthrōpinos) with regard to diseases in Onthe Sacred Disease, both of which have a strong textual basis. 11 I do notreasons? On this question see Gigon (1952) 127–66, esp. 128–9 <strong>and</strong> 156–64, <strong>and</strong> Vlastos (1952) 104 <strong>and</strong>112–13. (ii) To what extent were intellectuals at liberty to hold <strong>and</strong> propagate advanced ideas aboutreligious matters? On the one h<strong>and</strong> it is often stated that there was no institutionalised orthodoxy inancient Greece <strong>and</strong> no sacred books with authorised interpretations <strong>and</strong> that, consequently, manydifferent religious beliefs were tolerated (see Lloyd (1979) 10–15). On the other h<strong>and</strong> it cannot bedenied that at the end of the fifth century (in Attica at least) a growing intolerance manifests itself,e.g. in the trials of ‘impiety’ (asebeia). In this respect it is significant that it is the author of On theSacred Disease himself who accuses his opponents of impiety <strong>and</strong> atheism (1.28ff.; 1.39ff.), chargeswhich later (in the fourth century) were frequently connected with magic (e.g. in the trials of asebeiaagaint Ninos <strong>and</strong> Theoris). (iii) Did this apparent intolerance only concern participation in cult <strong>and</strong>ritual, or did it concern religious ideas as well? On all these matters see Bryant (1986); Dover (1975);Fahr (1969); Guthrie (1969) vol. iii, 226–49; Meijer (1981); Mikalson (1983) 91–105; S<strong>and</strong>voss (1968)312–29; Versnel (1990) 123–31.11 For this reason I shall not discuss as a separate alternative the view that the author of On the SacredDisease has adopted the idea of the divinity of air from Diogenes of Apollonia (cf. H. W. Miller (1953)9–15), though I shall say something about this in the course of my comments on interpretation (1).On the influence of Diogenes on this treatise see Grensemann (1968c) 29–30.

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