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enhancing food security and physical activity for maori, pacific and ...

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Enhancing Food Security <strong>and</strong> Physical Activity <strong>for</strong> Māori, Pacific <strong>and</strong> Low-income PeoplesSome of these papers also include estimates of cross-price elasticities – measuringthe effects of changes in the price of one <strong>food</strong> on quantity dem<strong>and</strong>ed of another. Datadifficulties - prices of different <strong>food</strong>stuffs often moving fairly much in parallel - lead tosuch estimates often having large st<strong>and</strong>ard deviations. There is interesting discussionon this in some of the papers, 15 <strong>and</strong> also on differences at different levels ofhousehold income, <strong>and</strong> household deprivation. 16 These matters are not pursuedfurther here, but would require investigation as part of any implementation.In all these overseas estimates tend to confirm Michelini’s results, namely that <strong>food</strong>dem<strong>and</strong> is both price- <strong>and</strong> income-inelastic, <strong>and</strong> also suggest that this conclusionapplies to most individual <strong>food</strong>stuffs as well as to aggregates such as All Food, or fruit<strong>and</strong> vegetables. This should not be taken as meaning that a policy of subsidising <strong>food</strong>prices is futile. Inelasticity is not the same as zero elasticity. A price reduction will stillresult in some increase in quantity purchased, <strong>and</strong> the more the policy is focused onfairly tightly defined <strong>food</strong> sub-groups, the more likely the increase will be reasonablysubstantial. There is some evidence also in the literature of higher price elasticities <strong>for</strong>low-income households. The ‘income effect’ of a subsidy, however, will generally beinsignificant, because both of low-income elasticities <strong>and</strong> the small size of any subsidyamount relative to total household income. However, <strong>for</strong> very low-income households,‘beneficiary households’, the effect will be a bit more noticeable.MethodsThe in<strong>for</strong>mation included in this chapter is from three sources: an examination ofhousehold expenditure <strong>and</strong> income data published by Statistics New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, aliterature scan, <strong>and</strong> interviews with government policy analysts <strong>and</strong> othersknowledgeable in this field. The literature scan was largely undertaken in late 2008.Five interviews were conducted with policy analysts <strong>and</strong> others. The interviews wereconducted from February to May 2009. Interview participants included policy advisors<strong>and</strong> administrators from government departments <strong>and</strong> social scientists with expertisein the policy area.ResultsOfficial DataThe major source of household expenditure <strong>and</strong> income data is the HouseholdEconomic Survey (HES) run every third year by Statistics New Zeal<strong>and</strong>. 17 The surveycovers approximately 3,000 households. The latest survey is <strong>for</strong> 2006/07. However,this latest survey lacks, at least in the published material, the detailed data onincomes available in earlier surveys. For illustrative purposes, there<strong>for</strong>e, most of thenumbers cited here are from the 2003/04 survey. 18Table 2.1.2 gives average household expenditures in 2003/04 <strong>and</strong> 2006/07, <strong>for</strong> fruit<strong>and</strong> vegetables, <strong>for</strong> all <strong>food</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>for</strong> all goods <strong>and</strong> services. Note that these numbersare prior to the substantial price increases relative to prices in general seen <strong>for</strong> some<strong>food</strong> items in 2008.17

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