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Beowulf - Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia

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mately the sense applied to the other examples used here. When the house first<br />

occurs in the second settlement phase it marks out the economic and probably ritual<br />

centre of the village (Haarnagel 1979, pp. 189 ff.). In the following two phases the<br />

estate to which it belongs grows and comes to consist of two main farm houses and<br />

two halls, i.e., houses 27 and 12 together with houses 13 and 35. This way of pairing<br />

the houses cannot be shown to be more than probable, but we can note the fact that<br />

in the northeast part of the villages there emerges a large estate displaying its halls<br />

towards those who approach the village from the only direction from which it can<br />

conveniently be approached, namely the east northeast.<br />

The exact character of the farms to which the halls belong is not known, but<br />

there is evidence of their economic strength, expressed not least in the amount of<br />

storage buildings attached to the farms. Haarnagel (1979) sees a difference between<br />

the Herrenhof in house no 12 and the Volkshalle in house no 35, but there<br />

is little substantial proof of such a division, although it mirrors the general division<br />

of power in Early Iron Age society. Suffice it to say that in Feddersen Wierde we<br />

see part of the development of the hall farm, and in the fifth settlement phase (2nd<br />

century AD) the whole northeast sector of the village seems to be dominated by a<br />

wealthy estate displaying two halls, houses 12 and 35 (Fig. 2).<br />

Part of the structure can also be observed in phase 6 (3rd to 4th centuries AD),<br />

but in the two last phases, ending in the 5th century, the structure is not discernible.<br />

Although there is much to support the hall interpretation of these two houses in<br />

Feddersen Wierde, it must nonetheless be said that in theory these houses, 12 and<br />

35, may be equivalent to the so-called second house (Herschend 1993) found on<br />

several larger farms, which, despite their size, lack halls. Hall farms are often characterised<br />

by a combination of three houses, the main house, the second house and<br />

the hall.<br />

If we had been able to follow the development of the Hodde settlement at the<br />

time, it is possible that we would have seen a development of the dominant farm<br />

similar to that in Feddersen Wierde. The farm and the house that may fit this kind<br />

of development in Hodde, the main farm and house II, were, however, interpreted<br />

by Hvass (1985, pp. 131 f.) as a large farm with a normal outhouse, albeit signified<br />

in ways that denoted its attachment to the large farm.<br />

The origin of the hall is veiled in obscurity even though we may consider its<br />

general European roots to be connected with the Homeric megaron (Thompson,<br />

M. 1995, pp. 8 ff.). In our North European focus, however, it seems fair to say<br />

that halls grew out of the egalitarian Early Iron Age village.<br />

A leap forward for the hall, not least geographically, seems to have taken place<br />

in the fourth century (cf. Appendix I), when halls are found in Denmark, Dejbjerg<br />

or Gudme and in the Baltic, at Övetorp on Öland and at Vallhagar on Gotland. On<br />

the Swedish mainland the house under Högum Mound 3 is so far the best and<br />

earliest dated published house, probably built in the fifth century. In Norway, a hall<br />

17

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