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Beowulf - Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia

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is found at Borg in Lofoten and dated to the Viking Age, but we may expect to find<br />

much earlier examples in southern Norway with the introduction of new excavation<br />

methods (cf. Løken et al. 1996).<br />

In South Scandinavia a more developed type of hall seems to have been established<br />

in the 7th century at Lejre and in Old Uppsala. These halls, which may have<br />

had forerunners like that at Gudme, are kings’ halls containing several rooms with<br />

different function and great dimensions. Smaller halls, such as those at Svintuna<br />

(Nordén 1938, pp. 151 ff.), on Helgö or in Slöinge and perhaps in Sanda (Åqvist<br />

1995), continued nonetheless to be built alongside the larger ones.<br />

The development of the hall can be sketched in the following way:<br />

First, a period in which an economically dominant person strives to define the<br />

phenomenon as a part of his personal farm, although we may suppose that also<br />

matters of public interest could be discussed in this kind of hall. The hall and farm are<br />

village-bound, as in Feddersen Wierde, and the ambitions of the leading farmer fit in<br />

with the common development of a marked privatisation which characterises the<br />

Iron Age farm. This is reflected in, e.g., the changes in the fencing tradition indicated<br />

by sequences such as those formed by the villages Hodde and Nørre Snede (Hvass<br />

1985; Hansen 1988 ) or Hodde and Wijster (van Es 1967; Tibblin 1994, pp. 56 ff.).<br />

Secondly, when the privacy of the halls has been established, their social significance<br />

continues to grow as a result of the growing influence of the individual chieftain<br />

or king on his people. This means that, as in Lejre, the hall becomes the interface<br />

between the private and the res publica, eventually dominating the latter in the feudal<br />

state. In its general development the hall is a parallel—probably closer than we are<br />

able to prove—to the development of the Germanic kingship as we see it from the<br />

time of Segestes and onwards (Thompson 1965), born out of the res publica, eventually<br />

to dominate it. In this development the hall seems to denote a number of concepts<br />

that are also of interest in connection with the concept of being good, since in<br />

the end goodness becomes a royal virtue.<br />

Neither Caesar nor Tacitus could be expected to point out Germanic goodness,<br />

but the glimpses we get of the Germanic king acting in public and the even fewer<br />

glimpses of his private or family life suggest that, on one hand, an essential part of his<br />

leadership in the region closest to the Roman Empire is linked to the existence of a<br />

balanced political and ideological setting and to a capacity to care for his people (cf.<br />

Andersson and Herschend 1997, pp. 77 ff.). On the other hand and figuratively<br />

speaking, there are many leaders in a stand-by position waiting for the right crisis<br />

situation to appear, so that they may be chosen as executive leaders with undisputed<br />

and not least martial power. It is their ability to deal with a particular problem that<br />

makes them suitable, and the problem solved they are not needed anymore<br />

(Thompson 1965; Hedeager 1991; Andersson and Herschend 1997). Goodness is<br />

linked to the former aspect of leadership and it is thought of as a guiding principle for<br />

leadership in all kinds of situations, not just political ones. This in its turn implies that<br />

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