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22. U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstracts Section 31: 20th Century Statistics, Table No.<br />

1428: Housing Units – Historical Trends for Selected Characteristics: 1940 to 1997<br />

(Washington, D.C., 1999), accessed June 5, 2015, https://www.census.gov/prod/<br />

99pubs/99statab/sec31.pdf.<br />

23. Among other factors, increased access to pensions also played a role in this growth in<br />

wealth, which reached a high of 36 percent in 1986 before eventually declining to 23<br />

percent in 2012. Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman, “Wealth Inequality in the United<br />

States since 1913: Evidence from Capitalized Income Tax Data,” NBER Working Paper<br />

20625 (2014), accessed June 5, 2015, http://gabriel-zucman.eu/files/SaezZucman2014.pdf.<br />

24. CEA, Report, 31.<br />

25. For a general history of suburbanization and its racial components, see Kenneth Jackson,<br />

Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University<br />

Press, 1985).<br />

26. For histories of restrictive covenants, see Marc Weiss, The Rise of the Community Builders:<br />

The American Real Estate Industry and Urban Land Planning (New York: Columbia<br />

University Press, 1987); Richard R.W. Brooks and Carol M. Rose, Saving the Neighborhood:<br />

Racially Restrictive Covenants, Law, and Social Norms (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University<br />

Press, 2013).<br />

27. “African-Americans were frozen out of the greatest wealth building opportunities in<br />

American history. From the Homestead Act in the 1860s, to education and homeownership<br />

opportunities provided by the GI Bill and the Federal Housing Administration, to<br />

redlining through contemporary discrimination in housing markets, to the segregation<br />

tax on housing appreciation, major government sponsored wealth building opportunities<br />

helped foster America’s middle class and created much wealth. Meanwhile, these same<br />

policies and practices left the African-American community behind at the starting gate.<br />

Inheritance of our racial past thus becomes an integral part of the wealth narrative.”<br />

Thomas M. Shapiro, “Race, Homeownership and Wealth,” Washington University Journal<br />

of Law & Policy 20 (2006): 67–68.<br />

28. U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1973 (94th ed.), Table<br />

No. 1167: Occupied Housing Units – Tenure, and Population per Occupied Unit, by Race<br />

of Household Head and by Residence: 1900 to 1970 (Washington, D.C., 1973).<br />

29. Dreier et al., Place Matters, 129.<br />

30. Though the 1949 Housing Act authorized the construction of 810,000 units of public<br />

housing by 1955, only 320,000 had been constructed by 1960. Raymond A. Mohl, “Shifting<br />

Patterns of American Urban Policy since 1900,” Arnold R. Hirsch and Raymond A. Mohl,<br />

eds. Urban Policy in Twentieth Century America (New Brunswick: Rutgers University<br />

Press, 1993), 15.<br />

31. Richard Rothstein, “Race and Public Housing: Revisiting the Federal Role,” Poverty &<br />

Race 21, no. 6 (2010): 1–16.<br />

32. For histories of this trajectory, see Bradford D. Hunt, Blueprint for Disaster: The Unraveling<br />

of Chicago Public Housing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009) and Lawrence<br />

J. Vale, Purging the Poorest: Public Housing and the Design Politics of Twice-Cleared<br />

Communities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013).<br />

33. Susan S. Fainstein, “Feminism and Planning: Theoretical Issues,” in Gender and Planning:<br />

A Reader, eds. Susan S. Fainstein and Lisa J. Servon, 120–138 (New Brunswick, NJ:<br />

Rutgers University Press, 2005).<br />

34. CEA, Report, 31.<br />

35. Sandra J. Newman, “Housing Allowances American Style: The Housing Choice Voucher<br />

Program” Housing Allowances in a Comparative Perspective, ed. P.A. Kemp (Bristol: Policy<br />

Press, 2007), 87–106.<br />

36. Reagan cut the budget for public and Section 8 housing by half in his first year in office<br />

alone. Dreier et al., Place Matters, 154.<br />

37. For histories of this shift toward policies promoting home-ownership for low-income<br />

households, see for example, Michael Harloe, The People’s Home? Social Rented Housing<br />

in Europe & America (New York: Wiley, 1995); Peter Malpass, Housing and the Welfare<br />

State: The Development of Housing Policy in Britain (New York: Palgrave MacMillan,<br />

2005).<br />

38. “From 1973 to 2009, the state and federal prison populations that are the main focus of<br />

this study rose steadily, from about 200,000 to 1.5 million, declining slightly in the following<br />

4 years. In addition to the men and women serving prison time for felonies, another<br />

700,000 are held daily in local jails. . . . The U.S. penal population of 2.2 million adults is<br />

the largest in the world. . . . The U.S. rate of incarceration, with nearly 1 of every 100 adults<br />

in prison or jail, is 5 to 10 times higher than rates in Western Europe and other democracies.<br />

. . . The growth in incarceration rates in the United States over the past 40 years is<br />

historically unprecedented and internationally unique.” Jeremy Travis, Bruce Western,<br />

and F. Stevens Redburn, The Growth of Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes<br />

and Consequences (Washington, D.C.: The National Academies Press, 2014), 1–2.<br />

39. H.A. Thompson, “Why Mass Incarceration Matters: Rethinking Crisis, Decline, and<br />

Transformation in Postwar American history,” The Journal of American History 97, no. 3<br />

(2010): 703–734.<br />

40. The inequalities produced by high incarceration rates among African American men is<br />

often called “invisible inequality” as this population is isolated from mainstream society<br />

while incarcerated and often not counted in conventional measures of unemployment.<br />

Bruce Western and Becky Pettit, “Incarceration and Social Inequality,” Daedalus 139,<br />

no. 3 (2010): 8–19.<br />

41. CEA, Report, 31–32.<br />

42. In 1996, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) was introduced to reduce<br />

previous entitlements while instituting work requirements for welfare recipients. The<br />

number of recipients decreased by 58 percent between 1995 and 2010; and in 2010, only<br />

a quarter of children living in poverty lived in households receiving cash transfers. Dreier<br />

et al., Place Matters, 290.<br />

43. Alex F. Schwartz, Housing Policy in the United States, 1st ed. (New York: Routledge,<br />

2006), 236.<br />

44. Joint Center for Housing Studies, The State of the Nation’s Housing 2004 (Cambridge,<br />

MA: Harvard University, 2004), 16.<br />

45. Sub-prime loans accounted for 28 percent of refinancing loans to these borrowers in<br />

2001. Joint Center for Housing Studies, The State of the Nation’s Housing 2004, 19.<br />

46. Ibid.<br />

47. Debbie Gruenstein Bocian and Robert G. Quercia, Lost Ground, 2011: Disparities in Mortgage<br />

Lending and Foreclosures (Center for Responsible Lending, 2011), 4, http://www.<br />

responsiblelending.org/mortgage-lending/research-analysis/Lost-Ground-2011.pdf.<br />

Further, in 2000, high-income black households were more likely to receive subprime<br />

refinanced loans (35 percent) than low-income white households (24 percent). Schwartz,<br />

Housing Policy in the United States, 237.<br />

48. Dreier et al., Place Matters, 38-47.<br />

49. The poverty threshold is established by the U.S. Census Bureau. Elizabeth Kneebone and<br />

Alan Berube, “Confronting Suburban Poverty in America: Executive Summary,” Metropolitan<br />

Policy Program at Brookings, 2013, accessed June 7, 2015, http://confrontingsuburbanpoverty.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Brookings_Toolkit_Executive-Summary.<br />

pdf.<br />

50. Audrey Singer, Migration and the Metropolis (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution:<br />

2013). http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2013/04/migration-metropolis-singer.<br />

51. Michael Kelly, “The 1992: The Democrats – Clinton and Bush Compete to Be Champion<br />

of Change; Democrat Fights Perceptions of Bush Gain,” New York Times, October 31, 1992.<br />

52. See Will Steffen, Paul J. Critzen, John R. McNeill, “The Anthropocene: Are Humans Now<br />

Overwhelming the Great Forces of Nature?” AMBIO 36 (December 2007): 614–621.<br />

53. New York Times Editorial Board, “Big Business’s Critical Role on Anti-Gay Laws,”<br />

New York Times, April 4, 2015. For more detailed information about this case, see the<br />

court’s final decision for Obergefell v Hodges” at http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/14-556_3204.pdf.<br />

58 59

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