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3.1.4<br />

the will<br />

theory of<br />

contract:<br />

procedure<br />

takes<br />

command<br />

property, forcing the borrower to sell and pay off the<br />

debt. The proceeds of the sale over and above the<br />

debt, however, went to the original owner, a remainder<br />

that was said to be his “equity” in the land. Thus<br />

by the late eighteenth century, a shift in the conception<br />

of justice can be seen in the development of<br />

mortgages: from equity as a principle of substantive<br />

fairness (referring to an absolute, universal measure<br />

of justice), to equity as a stake in capital (referring to<br />

the relative value of a financial interest). 9<br />

If customary practices were giving way to<br />

more formally privatized contractual relations, the<br />

increasing autonomy of individuals with respect to<br />

their sovereign was echoed in the way land itself<br />

was understood and used. Previously, under feudal<br />

conditions, land had been understood in terms of its<br />

capacity to sustain the peasant families (and their<br />

lords) living from it. Soil fertility, measured in the<br />

specific amount of seeding required to feed a number<br />

of families, was giving way to an abstract quality<br />

that could be compared quantitatively across vastly<br />

different contexts: the notion of geometric area and<br />

the practice of measurement (surveying) mediated a<br />

transition from the subsistence economy to the development<br />

of speculative agricultural and real estate<br />

markets. Land was becoming less important for how<br />

it could specifically sustain a particular community,<br />

and more important for how it could produce value<br />

for an anonymous market—either agriculturally<br />

(disembedding socio-ecological relationships) or in<br />

itself as a universalized territorial commodity that<br />

could be sold in the land market. 10 This shift thus<br />

made land abstract in the sense of being understood<br />

(or represented) as equal to other lands which were<br />

comparable to it only by reference to an external<br />

signifier, the price of a unit area, in a “universal”<br />

sphere, the market. 11<br />

As commodities were increasingly produced for the<br />

market, and labor sold for wages, the rise of liberal<br />

philosophy and political economy helped to configure<br />

how, and by whom, these things were to be exchanged.<br />

Toward the end of the eighteenth century,<br />

the equitable theory of contract was being displaced<br />

by a “will” theory in which the value of things being<br />

exchanged was no longer understood as being objective,<br />

as it had under substantive principles of law. 12<br />

Rather, exchanges were increasingly viewed as occurring<br />

between sovereign individuals (namely, entrepreneurs<br />

and merchants) who competitively determined,<br />

on their own, the value of their exchanges.<br />

Individuals’ subjective judgments of value were<br />

now understood and accepted as being objectively<br />

unequal: rooted in arbitrary and relative individual<br />

desires. 13 The courts began deferring to the particular<br />

terms of the contract arranged between individuals,<br />

thus neutralizing the extent of the authority and<br />

use of the Common Law tradition. Judges only ruled<br />

on the lawfulness of an exchange in cases where<br />

fraud was clearly involved. The contract became a<br />

vehicle by which individuals could “contract out” of<br />

normative straitjackets, pitting rules of commercial<br />

usage against the rule of Common Law. “Equity,”<br />

understood as fairness, was no longer a variable in<br />

judicial rulings: the contract was now sovereign, and<br />

“absolute fairness” was fragmented into the unique,<br />

localized, and incommensurable nature of each particular<br />

exchange. 14<br />

The causes for this shift from a substantive to<br />

a procedural view of the contract are simultaneously<br />

technical and philosophical. Judges recognized the<br />

diversity and complexity of commercial customs,<br />

but could not rule on them both for practical reasons<br />

(they lacked the specific know-how to decide on the<br />

technical aspects of increasingly heterogeneous and<br />

sophisticated bargains), and for ideological reasons<br />

(they preferred not to interfere with the growth of<br />

business). However, seeing the contract as an intrinsically<br />

unknowable meeting of desiring wills—the<br />

black box of commercial customs—could itself be articulated<br />

as a universal law by construing each particular<br />

commercial contract as a disaggregated chapter<br />

of universality itself. The merchants’ particularism<br />

was thus elevated to the universal: justice deferred<br />

to the exceptionalism of the merchant classes as the<br />

ostensibly natural agent of social progress. 15<br />

The radical subjectivism of contracts between<br />

private individuals, understood as the simple expression<br />

of a “meeting of minds” that cannot be predetermined,<br />

became the objective basis upon which a<br />

138 139

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