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Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424

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Introduction<br />

Part three considers <strong>the</strong> third moment of <strong>property</strong> where law and administration<br />

meet <strong>the</strong> social world of production. In <strong>the</strong> grid of a register individual names<br />

are set against categories of objects subject to different types of right; on <strong>the</strong><br />

ground men and women work with o<strong>the</strong>rs (invisible in <strong>the</strong> grid) in households<br />

and wider groups.<br />

The relation between <strong>the</strong> administration of <strong>property</strong> and <strong>the</strong> social systems<br />

of production in villages is explored at two levels.<br />

Chapters 9 and 10 concern four villages: Chapter 9 Bait Ra’s and Hawwara<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Hauran plain and Chapter 10 Kufr ‘Awan and Khanzira in <strong>the</strong> Kura hills.<br />

The analysis charts both <strong>the</strong> organization of village production and <strong>the</strong> relation<br />

of villagers to <strong>the</strong> administration of <strong>property</strong> over <strong>the</strong> roughly three generations<br />

covered by <strong>the</strong> study. Beyond shedding light on village land history, <strong>the</strong> chapters<br />

address three issues. First is how to understand, in relation to <strong>the</strong> changing forms<br />

of <strong>property</strong>, <strong>the</strong> formation of social groups between government and production.<br />

The second concerns <strong>the</strong> analysis of agency. Unlike a purely discursive analysis,<br />

in which <strong>the</strong> desiring subjects of power-knowledge embrace <strong>the</strong> categories of<br />

government, here more contradictory and finely structured agencies may be<br />

observed in <strong>the</strong> different village histories. Third is <strong>the</strong> relation between title and<br />

tax. According to an ideology of private <strong>property</strong>, <strong>the</strong> former should determine<br />

<strong>the</strong> latter; in fact, tax payment remained crucial to actual claims to title.<br />

Chapters 9 and 10 proceed from dry entries of names, objects and quantities<br />

in registers. The reader must expect technical analysis involving tables, field maps<br />

and genealogies. We think that <strong>the</strong> resulting reconstruction of agrarian relations<br />

and administration merits such attention to detail.<br />

By contrast, Chapters 11 and 12 draw on personal interviews and allow easier<br />

narrative reading. The testimony of older villagers in two of <strong>the</strong> four villages,<br />

Hawwara and Kufr ‘Awan, offers insight into how rights inscribed in registers<br />

were negotiated in real life. Two <strong>the</strong>oretical issues come to <strong>the</strong> fore. First, <strong>the</strong><br />

character of marital and family life in households appears complexly determined<br />

by <strong>the</strong> specific political economies in a manner distant from notions of a modular<br />

Muslim family. Second, in Tanzimat law, entitlement to inheritance of miri land<br />

was equal for sons and daughters and <strong>the</strong> holder of right was not a gendered<br />

category. But <strong>the</strong> negotiation of this law led to quite different outcomes in <strong>the</strong><br />

two distinct political economies. To make sense of <strong>the</strong>se patterns we examine<br />

<strong>the</strong> work of both women and men and <strong>the</strong> rights <strong>the</strong>y claimed in <strong>the</strong> course of<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir lives.<br />

107

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