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Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424

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7 | Regional leadership and <strong>the</strong> prosecution of<br />

a governor<br />

Background to <strong>the</strong> case<br />

In his memoirs Salih al-Tall reports that <strong>the</strong> first governor of ‘Ajlun district<br />

was Da’ud ‘Abbada. 1 In fact <strong>the</strong>re were governors in both ‘Ajlun and Salt for more<br />

than a decade before ‘Abbada’s appointment to <strong>the</strong> post in 1877–78. 2 But Da’ud<br />

‘Abbada’s time in <strong>the</strong> post was indeed memorable. As an official who invoked <strong>the</strong><br />

vali of his day, <strong>the</strong> major reform <strong>state</strong>sman Midhat Pasha, and as a graduate of <strong>the</strong><br />

College of Arts (mekteb-i fünun) with over a quarter of a century’s experience in<br />

government service, ‘Abbada appears to have been a forceful administrator. 3 Along<br />

with <strong>the</strong> treasurer, ano<strong>the</strong>r Damascene, Jurji Qabawat, he came to be prosecuted<br />

on charges of taking bribes. The claimants represented a veritable cross-section of<br />

village and regional leaders. As <strong>the</strong> secretary of <strong>the</strong> district Antun Siyur observed,<br />

‘<strong>the</strong> meetings held to achieve <strong>the</strong>ir appointment to [council] memberships and<br />

honorific directorships [of nahiyes] resembled a kind of general revolt’. 4<br />

The matter was a little more complex than Siyur’s succinct description. The<br />

case pitting members of <strong>the</strong> two major councils against <strong>the</strong> governor came at<br />

a time when <strong>the</strong> vali Midhat Pasha lamented to <strong>the</strong> Porte that ‘<strong>the</strong> conditions<br />

and public procedures of <strong>the</strong> councils and courts were extremely corrupt and<br />

disordered’ and that new elections were in order. 5 The case came against a<br />

background of troubles <strong>the</strong> year before ‘Abbada’s appointment when a number<br />

of villages of <strong>the</strong> ‘Ajlun mountains refused to pay <strong>the</strong>ir taxes. 6 ‘Abbada’s tenure<br />

as governor saw <strong>the</strong> introduction of tax reforms associated with land registration,<br />

which entailed bypassing regional leaders and negotiating directly with village<br />

authorities and cultivators. 7 It is this aspect of <strong>the</strong> conflict that concerns us, but<br />

first a word about <strong>the</strong> basic outline of <strong>the</strong> case.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> latter part of <strong>the</strong> tenure of Da’ud ‘Abbada <strong>the</strong> mutasarrıf of <strong>the</strong> Hauran,<br />

Shihabizade Salim Bey Efendi, toge<strong>the</strong>r with his bro<strong>the</strong>r Najib Bey (or as he is<br />

called elsewhere, Mir Najib), came to <strong>the</strong> district to confirm <strong>the</strong> appointment of<br />

directors (müdürs) to several nahiyes and members to <strong>the</strong> administrative council<br />

and court of first instance, and to examine certain aspects of tax reform and<br />

tapu registration. 8 During this time, in collaboration with Jurji Qabawat, Da’ud<br />

‘Abbada demanded substantial payments from local leaders appointed. When it<br />

was learned a few months later that <strong>the</strong> governor was to be transferred to <strong>the</strong> less<br />

important neighbouring district of Qunaitra, two of <strong>the</strong> subsequent claimants,<br />

members of <strong>the</strong> administrative council, Muhammad al-Mutlaq of al-Bariha village<br />

and Jabr ‘Abd al-Rahman of al-Husn, followed <strong>the</strong> governor to <strong>the</strong> Hauran sanjak<br />

headquarters where, according to <strong>the</strong>ir testimony, ‘Abbada promised that if <strong>the</strong>y<br />

80

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