Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
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question of ‘Ajaj Bey, <strong>the</strong> governor’s nephew, acting unofficially as tapu scribe<br />
or yoklama scribe in various villages of <strong>the</strong> district including Bait Ra’s, and of<br />
Da’ud ‘Abbada’s opposition to him. ‘Ajaj Bey himself was not called to answer<br />
questions. Nor was anyone who might have opposed Hasan al-Sabbah’s claim to<br />
have been a headman of Bait Ra’s, whe<strong>the</strong>r Salim Abu Qasim or a Hamuri.<br />
The investigation reveals tensions during tapu registration over village leadership<br />
and proof of title to land by hakk-ı karar or by bedel-i misl. It is here that <strong>the</strong><br />
question of residence arises. Hakk-ı karar signified ten years’ continuous tenure<br />
as a cultivator. In a later part of <strong>the</strong> investigation Da’ud ‘Abbada said that most<br />
people of Bait Ra’s were ‘ploughmen of <strong>the</strong> region’ (bilad-ı harise) and outsiders<br />
(yabancı), thus not entitled to hakk-ı karar. 12 However, one of Hasan al-Sabbah’s<br />
witnesses, Ahmad al-‘Ali, was awarded title yet told <strong>the</strong> committee that he had<br />
only moved to live in Bait Ra’s two years previously. Hasan al-Sabbah and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Bani Ta‘an families may have been trying to establish <strong>the</strong>ir title to land in Bait<br />
Ra’s without being yet resident. In <strong>the</strong> particular case of Bait Ra’s, residence<br />
appears to have been a condition for being awarded title to land. We turn now<br />
to an analysis of <strong>the</strong> village’s tapu registers of 1880.<br />
1880 tapu registration<br />
There are four features of <strong>the</strong> tapu registration of Bait Ra’s in 1880 which<br />
are unusual: (1) <strong>the</strong> concern by residents to register everything of potential value<br />
in <strong>the</strong> village; this included one-dönüm plots on miri tenure in <strong>the</strong> village site,<br />
and cisterns and wells on mülk tenure; (2) <strong>the</strong> coincidence of shareholdings and<br />
householdings, each shareholding in <strong>the</strong> plough land corresponding to exactly<br />
one house with <strong>the</strong> same composition of co-sharers; (3) registration of one-fifth<br />
of <strong>the</strong> plough land in a joint holding of all individual shareholdings; and (4)<br />
<strong>the</strong> allowance of two shares of plough land to <strong>the</strong> headman. We consider each<br />
feature in turn.<br />
(1) The 1880 list of landholdings for Bait Ra’s is divided into two parts, <strong>the</strong><br />
first listing 16 shareholdings on a single large field of 12,000 dönüms called khamis<br />
wa-baiqa (biq‘a in later records, <strong>the</strong> two names toge<strong>the</strong>r referring to <strong>the</strong> rich<br />
lands to <strong>the</strong> south of <strong>the</strong> village site), <strong>the</strong> second listing 15 one-dönüm plots on<br />
<strong>the</strong> village site. 13 The 16 shareholdings comprise 15 individual holdings totalling<br />
24 shares and one of six shares held jointly by <strong>the</strong> first 15. With one difference,<br />
<strong>the</strong> holdings of one-dönüm plots on <strong>the</strong> village site are <strong>the</strong> same as <strong>the</strong> first 15<br />
shareholdings. Most of <strong>the</strong> shareholdings are of families which continued to hold<br />
land in 1921 (see Table 9.1).<br />
The registration of cisterns or wells too is unusual. Of <strong>the</strong> 55 entries in <strong>the</strong> list<br />
of mülk, 19 are of houses and 36 of cisterns or wells (bir). The last four cisterns<br />
in <strong>the</strong> list were for storing water and were common to <strong>the</strong> people of <strong>the</strong> village<br />
(‘müşâ’ olarak umum-i kariye ahalisine meşrut eder ki’). The o<strong>the</strong>rs were mostly<br />
for storing wheat: five were for chaff and one for barley. Not every householding<br />
had a cistern or share in a cistern (four being held jointly); and some had more<br />
than o<strong>the</strong>rs, notably ‘Ali Muhammad Hamuri and his bro<strong>the</strong>rs. The total value<br />
111<br />
Two plains villages