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Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424

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Part one | 4<br />

prosecution of corrupt officials against whom complaints had been lodged in<br />

lower councils, and supervision of <strong>the</strong> kaimakam and registrar (defterdar) in <strong>the</strong><br />

lower administrative circumscriptions.<br />

Ottoman reform granted regional leadership a considerable place within <strong>the</strong><br />

context of a centralizing regime. In this respect, Ottoman government was not<br />

a colonial regime on <strong>the</strong> model of <strong>the</strong> British or <strong>the</strong> French. Likewise, although<br />

Ottoman reform worked to unify practice, <strong>the</strong> power of <strong>the</strong> councils meant that<br />

<strong>the</strong>y perforce translated <strong>the</strong> law in <strong>the</strong> light of regional political and economic<br />

forces.<br />

Land law<br />

Although <strong>the</strong> general direction of legal reform of <strong>the</strong> land regime is clear, <strong>the</strong><br />

detailed history of legislation in <strong>the</strong> late 1830s and early 1840s is less so. Dina<br />

Khoury has observed that as early as 1840 a nizamname was issued outlining<br />

changes to <strong>the</strong> land tenure system. 30 The law ‘sought to limit <strong>the</strong> <strong>property</strong> in<br />

revenue of malikane owners by ordering <strong>the</strong> reversion to <strong>the</strong> <strong>state</strong> of all land whose<br />

revenue collectors or cultivators had died’. 31 It appears that <strong>the</strong> lands were <strong>the</strong>n to<br />

be reissued to <strong>the</strong> heirs of <strong>the</strong> malikane owners as land held by tapu, 32 creating<br />

a new category of landholders enjoying usufructuary possession empowered to<br />

rent out <strong>the</strong>ir land to cultivators. The new law allowed <strong>the</strong> holder to leave his<br />

land to both male and female heirs in <strong>the</strong> manner of entitlement to shares in<br />

waqf. ‘Fiscal and land transactions were to take place in <strong>the</strong> government office<br />

of <strong>the</strong> tapu and not in <strong>the</strong> local court.’ 33 Lastly, <strong>the</strong> law was cast as contributing<br />

to agricultural development more generally. 34<br />

It would seem that <strong>the</strong> 1840 nizamname was a relatively short, programmatic<br />

directive. Certain of its promises were to be developed in detail in laws of <strong>the</strong><br />

later 1840s which form part of <strong>the</strong> published genealogy of <strong>the</strong> 1858 Land Code<br />

and 1859 Tapu Nizamnamesi. 35 The first and most important change, building on<br />

<strong>the</strong> analogy between <strong>the</strong> devolution of rights to waqf and those to miri land, concerned<br />

succession to miri land. The sultanic decree (irade) concerning this change,<br />

toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> instructions governing tapu land drafted by <strong>the</strong> sheikh-ul-Islam,<br />

were published in <strong>the</strong> official gazette Takvim-i Vakayi in 1847. In 1849 followed <strong>the</strong><br />

full text of <strong>the</strong> Ahkam-ı Meriye. 36 The law introduced five fundamental reforms.<br />

The privilege of sons to succeed to <strong>the</strong>ir fa<strong>the</strong>r’s land without payment of <strong>the</strong> tapu<br />

fee was extended to daughters. Not only were daughters and sons to inherit equally,<br />

<strong>the</strong>y could also partition <strong>the</strong> holding. The circle of persons entitled to succession<br />

to miri land without payment of tapu was greatly widened thus rendering escheat<br />

very unlikely. The new rules applied not only to land left by a fa<strong>the</strong>r but also to<br />

that left by a mo<strong>the</strong>r. And lastly, <strong>the</strong> law confirmed <strong>the</strong> unfettered power of a tapu<br />

holder to rent out his land.<br />

The law treats usufructuary right to miri land as an e<strong>state</strong>. The entitlement of<br />

female heirs to tapu land had long been problematic; excluded from succession<br />

to office, daughters were entitled to succeed, after sons and before any sibling<br />

or parent, to <strong>the</strong> fruits of <strong>the</strong>ir fa<strong>the</strong>r’s (and <strong>the</strong>ir family’s, and <strong>the</strong>reby <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

44

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