Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
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marriage links by <strong>the</strong> mid-1890s with <strong>the</strong> families of some of <strong>the</strong> men officially<br />
registered in 1880. We now consider <strong>the</strong> situation in 1895.<br />
1895 tax registration<br />
The form of <strong>the</strong> 1895 tax register differs from that of <strong>the</strong> tapu registers not<br />
only in <strong>the</strong> column headings but also in <strong>the</strong> way objects of registration were<br />
identified and listed. 16 First, <strong>the</strong>re was a single list for each village, not a series<br />
of lists according to type of <strong>property</strong>. Under each holding in <strong>the</strong> tax register,<br />
houses and plots were listed, each with a distinct identity and number, valuation<br />
and liability, with <strong>the</strong> total tax liability of <strong>the</strong> holding given at <strong>the</strong> end. At <strong>the</strong><br />
end of all <strong>the</strong> holdings in a village its total tax liability was given, divided into<br />
different categories.<br />
Second, only one individual was named in a holding, not a set of named<br />
co-sharers. Where a holding, or a plot within a holding, was shared, <strong>the</strong> words<br />
‘and his partner(s)’ or ‘and his bro<strong>the</strong>r(s)’ was added without names. It is thus<br />
not clear from <strong>the</strong> form of <strong>the</strong> register how co-liability for tax was determined.<br />
Later, if changes were made to a holding as a result of a sale or <strong>the</strong> holder’s<br />
death, and if <strong>the</strong> register was kept up to date (which, except for one new entry,<br />
it was not for Bait Ra’s), naming was more complete and a full set of co-sharers<br />
was given.<br />
Third, every object of taxation consisted of a numbered plot that was classified<br />
by type and, for cultivated fields, identified by <strong>the</strong> name or location in which it<br />
was situated. Thus column eight gave <strong>the</strong> type of plot: hane (house), incirlik<br />
(figs), ‘hakura’ (kitchen garden), bağ or bahçe (garden planted with fruit trees or<br />
vines), zeytin (olive grove), or tarla (arable). Each type was valued at a different<br />
rate, calculated on area for all but houses and olive groves. Column 12 gave <strong>the</strong><br />
plot’s location of which <strong>the</strong>re were only three for Bait Ra’s: derun-ı kariye (inside<br />
<strong>the</strong> village), civar-ı kariye (village outskirts), and arz-ı Bait Ras (<strong>the</strong> land of Bait<br />
Ra’s); <strong>the</strong> first contained houses, <strong>the</strong> second gardens or figs, and <strong>the</strong> third plots<br />
on <strong>the</strong> common plough land.<br />
Each person liable for tax thus held a unique set of numbered plots. Shares<br />
in plough land were not registered. However, behind <strong>the</strong> numbering and naming,<br />
a shareholding system can be observed. In <strong>the</strong> field labelled arz-ı Bait Ras <strong>the</strong>re<br />
were 19 separate plots, numbered 1–19 in column 9 and 723–41 in column 7,<br />
held by 19 different persons. The areas of <strong>the</strong>se plots were multiples of 223.33<br />
dönüms, totalling 8,040 or 36 times 223.33. Thus <strong>the</strong> 19 holders of arable plots<br />
effectively had shares ranging from ½ to 5½ and <strong>the</strong> total was 36, not <strong>the</strong> 30<br />
shares of <strong>the</strong> 1880 tapu register.<br />
The numbering of plots in <strong>the</strong> 1895 tax register would seem to imply <strong>the</strong><br />
existence of a reference map showing <strong>the</strong> location of <strong>the</strong> named fields and of<br />
each plot in those fields. Yet no field map has surfaced in <strong>the</strong> Ottoman records<br />
we examined. It must be assumed that identification of fields was left to those<br />
who had local knowledge and that field mapping was still not a routine part of<br />
Ottoman land surveys for tapu or tax registration. A field map would have served<br />
117<br />
Two plains villages