Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
Governing property, making the modern state - PSI424
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souls [i.e. those listed above], we fix (naqta‘) <strong>the</strong> estimated value of <strong>the</strong> lands of<br />
<strong>the</strong> village of Makhraba, which belongs to <strong>the</strong> fiscal administration of <strong>the</strong> above<br />
mentioned district. The dunum is evaluated at 12 ghurush on average. We toured<br />
all <strong>the</strong> land and on <strong>the</strong> basis of our knowledge of its true value, in line with<br />
similar [land], we drew up this document under our seals to be kept in <strong>the</strong> tabu<br />
registry.<br />
Both <strong>state</strong>ments are attested by Ahmad ‘Abduh al-‘Azzam, headman of<br />
Makhraba, by <strong>the</strong> headman of <strong>the</strong> neighbouring village of Samma, and by a<br />
third notable. Lastly <strong>the</strong> total number of dunums is given: 2,350 dunums.<br />
The second document, in Turkish, is from <strong>the</strong> tapu scribe to <strong>the</strong> director of<br />
finance. He notes that <strong>the</strong> village is held by Ahmad Efendi al-‘Azzam along with<br />
12 o<strong>the</strong>r persons who enjoy actual possession; that <strong>the</strong> testimony from <strong>the</strong> vicinity<br />
grants <strong>the</strong>m rights by hakk-ı karar; and that since all previous taxes appear to<br />
have been paid, he is granting <strong>the</strong>m provisional title documents on <strong>the</strong> basis of<br />
right acquired by hakk-ı karar.<br />
In a third document <strong>the</strong> director of finance writes back in Arabic noting that<br />
he finds <strong>the</strong> annual sum of <strong>property</strong>-value tax (mal wirku) for <strong>the</strong> village to<br />
be 500 ghurush and <strong>the</strong> sum paid in lieu of <strong>the</strong> ti<strong>the</strong> (badal a‘shar) to be 800<br />
ghurush as fixed in 1879–80; that <strong>the</strong> village has paid its fixed taxes (mal) every<br />
year since 1871–72, toge<strong>the</strong>r with its ti<strong>the</strong> (a‘shar) since 1879–80; and that <strong>the</strong>re<br />
are no back taxes due.<br />
This correspondence appears to reflect anterior administrative practice: <strong>the</strong><br />
documents concern <strong>the</strong> village as a whole; <strong>the</strong> fiscal evaluation of land and <strong>the</strong><br />
identification of right-holders rests with village headmen and regional leaders<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than with <strong>the</strong> elected village council of elders or a register of souls held<br />
by government officials; <strong>the</strong> village contains both persons and lands described<br />
to <strong>the</strong> <strong>state</strong> official but without definition of <strong>the</strong> internal allocation of land to<br />
persons; 48 and <strong>the</strong> fiscal value of land is fixed as an average across all lands of <strong>the</strong><br />
village. It was common fiscal practice in many villages that <strong>the</strong> lands be assigned<br />
a single value. See Map 6.2 where land values deriving from <strong>the</strong> tapu registers<br />
are mapped by villages of <strong>the</strong> region.<br />
So what did tapu registration change in <strong>the</strong> case of Makhraba? Tapu registration<br />
proceeded to assign shares in <strong>the</strong> single block of village land. In <strong>the</strong><br />
yoklama register <strong>the</strong> land appears divided into nine shares of land held by ten<br />
sets of holders: two with two shares, one with 1⅛, one with ¾, one with ⅝,<br />
four with ½, and one with ¼. Ahmad Efendi al-‘Azzam held two shares and<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r with two o<strong>the</strong>r ‘Azzams, 3¼ shares altoge<strong>the</strong>r out of nine shares of<br />
<strong>the</strong> village land; quite exceptionally a woman, Haya daughter of a sheikh (<strong>the</strong><br />
word usually indicates a religious figure of a Sufi order when it appears in <strong>the</strong><br />
registers) held ½ share. Tapu registration thus defined <strong>the</strong> number of shares and<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir distribution between individuals. Registration in shares meant that many of<br />
<strong>the</strong> practices of periodic land redistribution were able to continue within villages.<br />
And shareholding forms of representing and managing village land were not<br />
75<br />
Introduction of bureaucratic registration