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Exceptional Argentina Di Tella, Glaeser and Llach - Thomas Piketty

Exceptional Argentina Di Tella, Glaeser and Llach - Thomas Piketty

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<strong>Argentina</strong> in 1942 (4.1%) is not very far from the one observed in the United States in<br />

1916 (4.4%). Secondly, the dynamics in <strong>Argentina</strong> between 1932 <strong>and</strong> 1951 seem to<br />

reproduce the shape of US top income shares between 1922 <strong>and</strong> 1940 but at higher<br />

levels, as if the Argentine cycle lagged around 10-13 years with respect to the United<br />

States. This reinforces the idea that the pre-1930 figures in <strong>Argentina</strong> could<br />

reasonably be higher than that observed in 1932, in parallel with the evolution in the<br />

US, where the top 0.01% share declined from 4.4% in 1916 to 1.7% in 1921. It is also<br />

possible that the higher top shares in <strong>Argentina</strong> as compared to the US correspond to<br />

lower marginal tax rates.<br />

As described in Atkinson <strong>and</strong> <strong>Piketty</strong>, 2007, the drop in income concentration<br />

between 1914 <strong>and</strong> 1945 in Anglo-Saxon <strong>and</strong> continental Europe countries was<br />

primary due to the fall in top capital incomes, as capital owners incurred severe<br />

shocks from destruction of infrastructure, inflation, bankruptcies <strong>and</strong> fiscal policy for<br />

financing war debts. The reason why capital incomes did not recover during the<br />

second half of the century is still an open question; <strong>Piketty</strong>, 2003 <strong>and</strong> <strong>Piketty</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

Saez, 2006 suggest that the introduction of generalized progressive income <strong>and</strong> estate<br />

taxation made such a reversal impossible. For most of the period, the data for<br />

<strong>Argentina</strong> do not offer information about the composition of income by brackets. This<br />

is unfortunate, as economic mechanisms can be very different for the distribution of<br />

income from labour, capital, business <strong>and</strong> rents, <strong>and</strong> limits the interpretation <strong>and</strong><br />

comparison of results. In any case, while top shares started a sustained decrease by the<br />

beginning of the Second World War in the developed world, they kept growing in<br />

<strong>Argentina</strong>, favored by the export dem<strong>and</strong> from Europe.<br />

The Perón years (1946-1955) coincide with a clear decline in the share of the top<br />

percentile, although the evidence also reveals the limited effect on the upper part of<br />

the distribution when compared to international st<strong>and</strong>ards: by 1954 the top percentile<br />

shares were still higher than those found in the United States, France, Canada,<br />

Australia or Spain. Here it is worth noticing a striking contrast originated in economic<br />

policy between <strong>Argentina</strong> <strong>and</strong> Australia. As Atkinson <strong>and</strong> Leigh, 2007 describe, the<br />

effect of the commodity price boom after the Second World War directly affected top<br />

shares in Australia, generating a clear spike in 1950, mainly due to the peak of wool<br />

prices which sheep farmers received in that year (Figures 3 <strong>and</strong> 5). The state<br />

management of exports in <strong>Argentina</strong> seems to have been a powerful tool in extracting<br />

a fraction of the surplus from exporters, <strong>and</strong> as a sign of the distributional conflict<br />

surrounding trade policy the IAPI was disb<strong>and</strong>ed as soon as Perón was deposed in<br />

1955.

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