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Exceptional Argentina Di Tella, Glaeser and Llach - Thomas Piketty

Exceptional Argentina Di Tella, Glaeser and Llach - Thomas Piketty

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Figure 20. Agricultural productivity <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong> endowment per worker<br />

800<br />

700<br />

NZ<br />

Product per worker<br />

in agriculture <strong>and</strong> ranching, 1933-35<br />

600<br />

500<br />

400<br />

300<br />

200<br />

100<br />

0<br />

USA<br />

NET<br />

CAN<br />

UK<br />

BRA FRA<br />

GER<br />

BEL<br />

ITA HUN SWE<br />

JAP<br />

URU<br />

ARG<br />

AUL<br />

R 2 = 0,9482<br />

0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500<br />

Agricultural <strong>and</strong> pastoral capital in 2000 (World Bank)<br />

per 1933-35 workers in the primary sector<br />

Source: World Bank (2006) <strong>and</strong> Clark (1940).<br />

4.2. Human capital<br />

The <strong>Glaeser</strong> <strong>and</strong> Campante article in this volume deals at length with the question of whether<br />

an initial disadvantage in human capital can make a difference in terms of subsequent<br />

economic growth. Among many other possible effects, past level of human capital can raise<br />

growth because it may be correlated with current levels of human capital (as in the Lucas<br />

(1988) tradition); or acting through other channels, for example the politics connection that<br />

Gleaser <strong>and</strong> Campante stress. An additional channel is conceivable which may be of<br />

particular importance when comparing the natural-resource intensive <strong>Argentina</strong> of 1930 with<br />

a country of a similar income level but higher educational attainment. Natural resources<br />

(certainly mining riches, but even agricultural l<strong>and</strong>) is comparatively less adaptable to<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> shocks than human capital. For example, a terms of trade shock against agriculture as<br />

a whole cannot be compensated by moving l<strong>and</strong> to other uses; while at least part of the human<br />

capital is not so completely industry- <strong>and</strong> not even sector- specific. This probably meant that<br />

the income effects of negative dem<strong>and</strong> shocks (<strong>and</strong> their dynamic responses, if any) would be<br />

stronger in <strong>Argentina</strong> than in a country where the same per capita GDP stemmed from a<br />

factorial combination with less natural <strong>and</strong> more human capital. And negative dem<strong>and</strong> shocks<br />

was precisely what <strong>Argentina</strong> faced starting in the Depression.<br />

4.3. Physical capital<br />

Insufficient physical capital accumulation has been pointed out by several authors as a major<br />

reason behind <strong>Argentina</strong>'s slower growth after the Depression. Was there anything in pre-<br />

Depression <strong>Argentina</strong> leading to its mediocre investment rate afterwards? Faster population<br />

growth has already been mentioned as a difference with other settler economies, which might<br />

have also led to slower growth in capital per worker. But the argument cannot be taken too

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