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Holloway - Crack Capitalism.pdf - Libcom

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asis of the separation between the economic and the political.<br />

Abstract labour is already pre-supposed when we make a<br />

distinction between economic and political struggle, so that the<br />

complementing of economic struggle by political struggle does<br />

not challenge the existence of abstract labour but confirms it. It<br />

does not overcome the limits of the trade union movement, but<br />

consolidates them. Abstract labour is the basis of the fetishism<br />

on which the separation of economic and political is based: the<br />

very separation of the economic and the political is a moment<br />

of the abstraction of labour.<br />

To take wage labour (or simply labour) as the basis of the<br />

anti-capitalist movement is quite simply to entrap that movement<br />

within capital. All the features of abstract labour which were<br />

singled out in the previous discussion are characteristic of<br />

the labour movement: the reification of social relations, the<br />

reproduction of the hierarchy between men and women and<br />

the dimorphisation of sexuality, the objectification of nature,<br />

the acceptance of the capitalist concept oitime, and above all,<br />

the orientation towards the state and the idea of influencing the<br />

state or taking state power. We could go on, and on, but the<br />

point is clear. As long as abstract (or wage) labour is taken as the<br />

unquestioned basis of the labour movement, or the revolutionary<br />

movement, then that movement will carry forward all the reified<br />

concepts and forms of behaviour that arise from the abstraction<br />

of doing into labour.<br />

We can now see that the non-recognition of the dual character<br />

of labour is the core of a larger problem in the Marxist tradition.<br />

In the same way that abstract labour creates a closed world<br />

of things and laws of development, so a theory that takes the<br />

abstraction of doing into labour for granted and bases itself<br />

upon a unitary concept of labour encloses itself conceptually<br />

within the same world. In this conceptual world, people become<br />

converted into the bearers of social relations; classes become<br />

definable and defined groups of people: money, capital, interest<br />

and so on become the key categories of a new political economy<br />

centred on understanding the laws of capitalist development.<br />

This is the Marxism of Marxist economics, Marxist sociology,<br />

Marxist philosophy, Marxist political science and so on. Critique<br />

is forgotten and Marxism is treated as a positive science, a sort<br />

159

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