Holloway - Crack Capitalism.pdf - Libcom
Holloway - Crack Capitalism.pdf - Libcom
Holloway - Crack Capitalism.pdf - Libcom
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11. This was written in an article on Oaxaca just a few weeks before the<br />
repression: Vaneigem (2006). For a contrary argument, see Gelderloos<br />
(2007): How Nonviolence Protects the State.<br />
12. The writer of this book, and possibly many of the readers (if such there<br />
be), receives his income from the state.<br />
13. For an account of what this means in terms of day-to-day difficulties, see<br />
Gonzalez (2009).<br />
14. On this, see MTD de Solano and Colectivo Situaciones (2002); for the<br />
contrast between MTD de Solano and MTD La Matanza in this, see<br />
Habermann (2004). On the debates within the left of the Piquetero<br />
movement, see Navarro Trujillo (2008).<br />
15. A strong argument for seeing the state as the wrong way to do things is<br />
developed by Scott (1998).<br />
16. For a fuller discussion of the state as a peculiarly capitalist form of<br />
organisation, see <strong>Holloway</strong> 2002/2005.<br />
17. For a political-theoretical analysis centred on the concept of the victim,<br />
see, for example, Dussel (2006).<br />
18. La Jornada, 5 January 2008.<br />
19. For a similar critique of the national-popular struggle, see Tischler (2008b).<br />
20. For a really striking example of this, and of the contradictions involved in<br />
the Venezuelan process, see a speech by Juan Barreto Cipriani, mayor of<br />
Caracas, in 2007: 'Communal power must be capable of being exercised<br />
over the society, dissolving the constituted state institutions. Assuming<br />
itself as self-government. This is the role that we have to play, because the<br />
existing state is the juridical form of the time of exploitation. It is the state<br />
of capital, it is the power of ... a discourse opposed to the real exercise of<br />
the power of the citizens. It is a body of concessions and practices that it is<br />
necessary to dismantle. In the same way as the statist logic of the institutions<br />
is perverse, so is the political logic of the party conceived as an instrumental<br />
apparatus of power. It is not possible to get rid of the state without getting<br />
rid of the party. As long as there exist circles that privatise or confiscate the<br />
decisions that should be collective and appropriate the state apparatuses,<br />
we shall not be able to go very far in the construction of a society that is<br />
not statist and partyist' (Barreto Cipriani 2007: 14). My thanks to Daria<br />
Azzelini for pointing this out to me.<br />
21. See especially the excellent work by Azzelini (2009) on the strength and<br />
difficulties of this process.<br />
22. On this, see Wainwright (2003), Sullo (2002), De Sousa Santos (2003).<br />
23. See Mazzeo (2007), but also Dussel (2006).<br />
24. My view, at the time of writing, is that the Venezuelan process is still an<br />
open one, but that in the case of Cuba the plastering hand outweighs the<br />
hand that opens the crack. However, it would be quite wrong to think of<br />
this as a final closure.<br />
25. Raul Zibechi gives a striking figure to illustrate the enormous integrating<br />
power of the state, especially in the case of 'progressive governments': there<br />
are, he says, 270,000 NGOs contracted by the government and operating<br />
in the cities of Brazil: they are staffed overwhelmingly by ex-militants (talk<br />
given in the Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Benemerita<br />
Universidad Aut6noma de Puebla, December 2008).<br />
26. For studies of this particular problem, see Sandoval (2007), Figueroa (2008).<br />
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