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Holloway - Crack Capitalism.pdf - Libcom

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as Porto Alegre, Venice, East Manchester, and so on) through<br />

the promotion of 'participatory democracy'. 22 Is it possible<br />

to re-signify the state (as Nicanoff (2007: 12) puts it), or to<br />

harmonise the dynamics of sovereignty and autonomy (Mazzeo<br />

2007: 28)? This approach is sometimes discussed in terms of<br />

'popular power' and the insistence that power comes from the<br />

people.23 This is an attractive formulation, but the category<br />

of 'the people' actually conceals that the source of power is<br />

doing: it abstracts from the organisation of human activity and<br />

its antagonistic existence. It is this antagonism that is skated<br />

over in the formulations that look to an easy combination of a<br />

movement from above and a movement from below.<br />

That the state should be dissolved from within, or as a comingtogether<br />

of pressures from within and from without, is difficult,<br />

because of the weight of inherited structures and forms of<br />

behaviour, because of the separation of paid state functionaries<br />

from the rest of the population and because of the pressures to<br />

secure the functioning of 'the economy' (as though this were<br />

not a system of exploitation). If it were to be possible, then the<br />

crucial factor would be not the revolutionary commitment of the<br />

state functionaries or politicians themselves, but the force of the<br />

struggles outside the state apparatus for a different form of social<br />

organisation. The movement of 'from above' and 'from below' is<br />

inevitably an antagonistic process, although the contours of this<br />

antagonism may not follow institutional demarcations: it can be<br />

displaced into the state apparatus itself. Certainly the movement<br />

of history constantly defies theory, yet the term 'popular power'<br />

conceals the real antagonisms and difficulties.<br />

A rebellion does not cease to be a rebellion just because<br />

it is channelled towards the state. The drive towards selfdetermination<br />

remains alive, although it is likely to be<br />

increasingly suppressed to the degree that the state structures<br />

become consolidated. A state-centred revolution is a highly<br />

self-antagonistic process, a crack that widens and plasters itself<br />

over at the same time. Whether, and at what point, the hand<br />

that plasters succeeds in suppressing the hand that opens the<br />

crack is always the outcome of struggle, the struggle for selfdetermination<br />

on the one hand and the struggle to contain it<br />

within forms of alien determination on the other.24 Certainly in<br />

62

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