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Corruption in public health 97<br />

physicians and ‘contributions’ to hospitals as well as the value of<br />

medical supplies purchased by patients and drugs obtained from<br />

private pharmacies but intended to be part of government-financed<br />

health care services.” (Lewis, 2000, 2002). More specifically they are<br />

under-the-table payments to doctors, nurses and other medical staff<br />

for jumping the queue, receiving better or more care, obtaining<br />

drugs, or just simply for any care at all.<br />

Informal payments create a parallel market for services within<br />

public health care systems, and, like the informal sector, informal<br />

payments are typically illegal and unreported. They can be considered<br />

a form of corruption, but may just be symptomatic of bad management.<br />

While only recently defined and discussed, what emerges<br />

from the data is, surprisingly, how widespread informal payments<br />

have become.<br />

A major challenge is differentiating informal and gratitude<br />

payments given the official co-payment, bribes and gifts that<br />

patients pay. Where all fees have been banned any payment by<br />

households is clearly unofficial, but in many countries formal fees<br />

exist, blurring the dichotomy. It then becomes the level of payment,<br />

the nature of the transaction and its timing that become relevant for<br />

distinguishing the nature of the payment. For example, in Kyrgyz<br />

Republic in 2001 95 per cent of those who paid for services did not<br />

receive a receipt while only 3 per cent reported giving a gift to the<br />

health personnel and the time of service (Falkingham, 2002). A<br />

Bolivia study showed that perception of corruption was associated<br />

with the size of informal payment with a significant coefficient of<br />

.34 (Gatti, Gray-Molina and Klugman, 2004).<br />

Ex post transactions are particularly problematic because postservice<br />

gratitude gestures are common and often expected. Where<br />

providers insist on direct pre-payment without involvement of<br />

official cash windows, refuse patient care without the fee, receive<br />

direct payments for specific tasks, or refuse basic services without a<br />

“tip” (e.g., such as moving patients from room to room, or giving<br />

injections) informality of payment is likely.<br />

Figure 5 summarizes the frequency of informal payments to

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