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SHOOTDOWNS, CYPHERS AND SPENDING 217<br />

tromagnetic field, others gave out an acoustic echo that could<br />

travel down a wire for hundreds of feet. Still others caused telltale<br />

fluctuations in the power supply. Even those machines that<br />

did not radiate of their own accord were susceptible to 'interrogation<br />

attack'. This meant that the KGB could potentially<br />

direct a microwave or laser beam at the cypher room, reflecting<br />

back reverberations that might give away the clear text of a<br />

message as it was typed on the keyboard. The only saving grace<br />

was that the danger was confined to a few hundred yards at<br />

most, so the enemy had to get close to the cypher machine they<br />

wanted to listen to.63<br />

Stannard explained that the most awkward issue presented<br />

by Tempest was 'how we may best distribute our responsibilities<br />

for advising our allies, particularly in NATO'. Tempest was<br />

a nuisance in terms of security, but of course it was beneficial<br />

for offensive sigint operations by GCHQ. The British did not<br />

want information about Tempest to spread to 'countries or organisations<br />

from which signal intelligence is required'. Where the<br />

balance of advantage fell depended on the relative importance<br />

attached to either sigint or security. Understandably, perhaps,<br />

there were some arguments between GCHQ and LCSA over this<br />

matter. 64<br />

By the early 1960s the awkward NATO Tempest question was<br />

gradually being resolved. A handbook was provided to the<br />

European allies that explained how to install cypher equipment<br />

so as to minimise radiation risks from Tempest. 65 However, LCSA<br />

emphasised that, within the inner circle constituted by the<br />

British, Americans and Canadians, the standard NATO briefing<br />

had always to be accompanied by 'advice on certain aspects of<br />

the problem which it is undesirable to disseminate to NATO at<br />

large'. This circumlocutory language suggests that Britain was<br />

offering some of its NATO partners incomplete advice, leaving<br />

open certain avenues for exploitation. At the same time, GCHQ<br />

hoped fervently that the KGB was not using the same techniques.<br />

66<br />

At last, after two troublesome decades, Britain's code-breakers

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