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THATCHER AND THE GCHQ TRADE UNION BAN 417<br />

whim of the Prime Minister. Jim Prior, the Northern Ireland<br />

Secretary, recalls that at that moment, 'Len Murray was lost.'<br />

It is hard to escape the conclusion that both Margaret Thatcher<br />

and the major unions used GCHQ as a pawn in a wider ideological<br />

battle. Neither the managers nor the trade unionists at<br />

GCHQ were directly responsible for what followed. 2<br />

The issue of trade unions at Cheltenham is synonymous with<br />

the Thatcher era. After its eruption in early 1984, it constituted<br />

a running sore until it was resolved in 1997. Yet it is rarely<br />

realised that union issues were not new to the secret world, or<br />

indeed to GCHQ. Paradoxically, GCHQ had always had trade<br />

unions because it was even more secret than its sister services,<br />

MIS and SIS, which did not. This was because many GCHQ<br />

workers were hidden inside other units - such as the Diplomatic<br />

Wireless Staff (DWS) - that might reasonably expect union representation.<br />

Moreover, unlike MIS or SIS, Cheltenham was effectively<br />

a vast factory that produced intelligence on an industrial<br />

scale. The majority of employees at GCHQ and its outstations<br />

were working a shift system. In all factories, even secret ones,<br />

there is a clear hierarchy, and good labour relations are of the<br />

first importance. Yet the managers at GCHQ could be remote<br />

figures who were rather conscious of their grades. As a result,<br />

union issues had raged beneath the surface of British sigint since<br />

the 1950s.<br />

Disruption of GCHQ's activities through union action was not<br />

the only source of anxiety. Officials believed there were also<br />

security issues. Although they conceded that no union official<br />

had ever been detected acting as a spy, nevertheless they worried<br />

that a significant proportion of officials in some key unions were<br />

Communists. Spy cases during the 1950s and 1960s had shown<br />

beyond any doubt that Communist Party membership often<br />

meant espionage, and Foreign Office officials feared 'a direct,<br />

unfettered and undetectable line of liaison between staff having<br />

knowledge of secret affairs and Communists'. Some senior officials<br />

had pondered the alternative of a staff association, in other<br />

words a tame internal union not affiliated to the TUC, for staff

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