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The Nordic Model - Embracing globalization and sharing risks

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absolute <strong>and</strong> relative terms than high wages. This redistributive solidarism was<br />

subsequently ab<strong>and</strong>oned, as it led to a revolt of businesses <strong>and</strong> professional employees<br />

<strong>and</strong>, finally, to the collapse of national coordination of wage bargaining<br />

in the 1980s.<br />

Generous unemployment insurance schemes. In Sweden, Finl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Denmark,<br />

unions have assumed responsibility for operating unemployment insurance<br />

schemes, aided by tax-financed subsidies. This “Ghent system” has strengthened<br />

the unions, since access to unemployment insurance has been linked to union<br />

membership. In Norway, the Ghent system was never introduced <strong>and</strong> unemployment<br />

insurance has been undertaken by the state, which explains the lower Norwegian<br />

unionization rate. In Finl<strong>and</strong>, after the introduction of unemployment<br />

insurance funds decoupled from the unions, the rate of unionization promptly<br />

shrank from about 85 per cent to about 70 per cent 2 . <strong>The</strong> average net unemployment<br />

benefit replacement rate in the <strong>Nordic</strong> countries is about 10 percentage<br />

points higher than in the euro area countries <strong>and</strong> about 20 percentage points<br />

higher than in the Anglo-Saxon countries (cf. table 2.1 in chapter 2).<br />

Employment protection legislation. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries differ with regard to the<br />

strictness of their employment protection legislation. On average, employment<br />

protection is less strict in the <strong>Nordic</strong> countries than on the Continent or in Southern<br />

Europe (cf. figure 2.1 in chapter 2). Sweden has probably the most restrictive<br />

labour laws, but that has not hindered Sweden from achieving an employment<br />

rate of about 80 per cent in 2007. Employment protection measures that make<br />

it harder for firms to dismiss employees have during the last two decades been<br />

relaxed in Finl<strong>and</strong>.<br />

Active labour market policy. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> countries spend more than others on active<br />

labour market policies in the form of job intermediation as well as training<br />

<strong>and</strong> subsidized employment. One element of the Rehn–Meidner model of uniform<br />

wage increases was the idea of helping dislocated people to find new jobs<br />

<strong>and</strong> move to new regions <strong>and</strong> occupations, <strong>and</strong> Sweden has been the country<br />

with the largest expenditures on active labour markets policy measures. Active<br />

labour market policies in the form of workfare, i.e. a more stringent conditioning<br />

of benefits on job search or training, have gained popularity in recent years.<br />

6.1 MAKE MORE PEOPLE WORK –<br />

THE EXTENSIVE MARGIN COUNTS!<br />

Labour supply involves two important dimensions: the labour market<br />

participation rate of the different age groups <strong>and</strong> the average<br />

working hours of those who are employed. <strong>The</strong> former is referred<br />

to as the extensive margin (“what determines the choice of participating<br />

or not participating in the labour force?”) <strong>and</strong> the latter as<br />

the intensive margin (“how many hours does an employed person<br />

<strong>The</strong> most important<br />

policy question is<br />

“how many are working?”<br />

rather than “how<br />

many hours does an<br />

employed person on<br />

average work?”<br />

106 · <strong>The</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> <strong>Model</strong>

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