Riddle of America, The - Waldorf Research Institute

without attempting either to inspire unanimity, which would be impossible,or to abolish freedom, which would be overkill; but through the principles ofindirect voting, with property requirements for the franchise and for holdingoffice, it would be impossible for anyone faction to dominate the others inthe long run. At the end, Beard can say, “The content of the Constitution asa piece of abstract legislation reflecting no group interests and recognizingno economic antagonisms is entirely false” (p. 188).Beard’s third task is to run down the roster again, now regardingthe political views of the members of the Convention. Here the pickings areslim because most of them were “intensely practical men” (p. 189). But colonialsociety was still close enough to its class-oriented English antecedentsfor it to be “unnecessary for political writers to address themselves to the[nonvoting] proletariat.” In the secret proceedings of the Convention, thedelegates could be frank with one another about their goals, but in view ofthe opposition to property on the part of the debtor class, “the supporters ofthe Constitution had to be somewhat circumspect in the expression of theirviews” (both p. 190). Later developments, which swept away all propertyrequirements for political rights, would seem to justify this concern. 1But in the Convention, no such scruples prevailed, as for examplewhen Madison recorded John Dickinson’s support of property rights forvoting as “a necessary defense against the dangerous influence of thosemultitudes without property or principle, with which our Country, likeall others, will in time abound” (p. 195). Beard records voices representingthose multitudes, for instance “the wealthy and ambitious, who in everycommunity think they have a right to lord it over their fellow creatures”(pp.201, 312). But the prevailing documentation is consistently in favor of thefavored. Beard gives a vivid picture of the framers at work, portraying themindeed as individuals of flesh and blood, but of course not as typical ones.His fourth task is to follow up on the reaction to the ConstitutionalConvention. Suffice it to say that despite the bitter opposition to such astrong, centralized plan, the need for a competent nation in an exuberantlyexpanding political-economic situation prevailed in the end to establish thenew Constitution. This was foreseen during the Convention when GovernorMorris observed, “The time is not distant when this Country will aboundwith mechanics & manufacturers who will receive their bread from theiremployers. Will such men be the secure and faithful guardians of liberty?”(p. 208). The core of the ratification is succinctly put by Rufus King, who“explained to Madison in January 1788 that the opposition is grounded onantagonism to property rather than to outward aspects of the new system”321