Dissertation - Michael Becker

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three of these did not reach significance (p > .1), and their addition to the model was foundunjustified by an ANOVA model comparison (χ 2 (1) > .1). The similarity of the final twosegments did reach significance (p < .005) and improved the model significantly (χ 2 (1) .1)In conclusion, the vowel pattern [a-a], which has no [o] in it, produced a rate of otrepsonsesthat was significantly lower than patterns with [o] in them. The vowel pattern [oa],with its non-final [o], did not come out significantly different from the [o]-final patterns.87
(83) Nonce words and the percent of ot-plurals chosen for them 9a-a o-a a-o i-osagáf 9% donáf 30% zaróf 25% idóf 26%takáv 23% Soláv 25% davóv 32% xizóv 25%kalám 32% sotám 38% gaSóm 32% dimóm 21%garád 38% opád 26% kanód 55% nidód 53%pasás 34% xodás 19% barós 23% migós 25%gaváz 9% nokáz 21% kamóz 38% rizóz 49%banác 21% motác 38% pacóc 40% lixóc 43%daláS 28% rokáS 26% tanóS 32% biyóS 28%paSáS 43% kováS 13% bakóS 23% giróS 13%zavák 17% losák 42% sakók 32% Sibók 11%cagág 38% Sonág 28% baróg 30% ricóg 30%bazáx 21% sováx 21% Sadóax 47% lifóax 40%Sanál 28% gomál 28% calól 25% zihól 32%dagár 19% zovár 45% galór 32% cikór 49%3.3.4 DiscussionHebrew speakers productively extend the effect that a stem [o] has on the choice of theplural allomorph from their lexicon to novel nouns. In the lexicon, a stem-final [o] is moreconducive to choosing –ot than a non-stem-final [o], which in turn is more conducive tochoosing –ot than a stem that lacks [o] completely. In the experiment, speakers reliablyreproduced the difference between the presence and absence of [o], but not the [o]’s9 In the plural forms, the initial [a] was deleted for [aa] and [ao] nouns, e.g. the plurals offered forsagáf were sgaf-ím and sgaf-ót. This was done in order to reduce the likelihood that these nouns would beinterpreted as referring to humans, and thus skewing the responses towards –im. In the lexicon, the deletionor retention of the [a] is an idiosyncratic property of roots, but a retained [a] correlates well with animacy(Bat-El 2008b).88
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
Page 49 and 50: faithfully. The participants saw an
Page 51 and 52: (32) Differences between high and n
Page 53 and 54: to alternating responses than the b
Page 55 and 56: contrasted with general-purpose sta
Page 57 and 58: RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
Page 59 and 60: RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
Page 61 and 62: To replicate the effect that place
Page 63 and 64: (45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
Page 65 and 66: generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70: To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72: with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74: vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76: (60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78: Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79 and 80: The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 81 and 82: (66) The difference in rates of alt
Page 83 and 84: (67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86: Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90: -ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92: (71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94: The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
Page 95 and 96: will stay agnostic about the status
Page 97 and 98: a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99: ∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 103 and 104: experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106: The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108: (86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110: stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112: (96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
Page 113 and 114: frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116: (100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117 and 118: 3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 119 and 120: The problem here is that a single l
Page 121 and 122: As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124: Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126: that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128: (114) “surface” language “dee
Page 129 and 130: garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
Page 131 and 132: (118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
Page 133 and 134: 3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
Page 135 and 136: in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
Page 137 and 138: for the combined stem vowel change
Page 139 and 140: the ability to observe any vowel ef
Page 141 and 142: (128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144: 3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
Page 147 and 148: that is indifferent to the vowel of
Page 149 and 150: changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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