Dissertation - Michael Becker

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that forbids clusters of alveolar stops, like [dt] and [dd], regular verbs resolve the clusterby epenthesis, and verbs that stay unchanged in the past resolve the cluster by deletionor fusion. Verbs that don’t end in [d] or [t] don’t violate the constraint on alveolar stopclusters, and thus have no reason to stay unchanged in the past.The tableau in (1) shows the derivation of the verb [gaId] (guide). The first candidatein (1) is the winner, with an epenthetic vowel and hence a violation of DEP. The secondcandidate is zero-marked (i.e. it sounds identical to the root) by virtue of deleting the affixal[d], thus violating MAX 2 . The final candidate is the faithful one, which violates a constrainton clusters of alveolar stops (*DD, see also Borowsky 1987), which is undominated inEnglish.(1)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaIdId *b. gaId *!c. gaIdd *!The derivation of the zero-marked verb [sprEd] (spread) is shown in (2). In order tomake the zero-marked form the winner, DEP must dominate MAX, which is the oppositeof the ranking required by guide.2 Alternatively, zero-marked verbs avoid a violation of *DD by fusing the root [t] or [d] and the suffixal[d], violating UNIFORMITY.5
(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sprEd *b. sprEdId *!c. sprEdd *!In terms of OT, then, zero-marked verbs are simply responding to a constraint rankingthat’s different from the constraint ranking that controls the regular verbs of the language.Regular ed-taking verbs that end in [t] or [d] require MAX to dominate DEP, whereas zeromarkedverbs require the opposite ranking.Verbs that do not end in [t] or [d], such as [stAr] (star), shown in (3), cannot be zeromarkedusing [d] as the underlying form of the past tense morpheme. The fully faithfulform starred harmonically bounds the zero-marked form, since it doesn’t violate any ofthe relevant constraints, including the one against clusters of alveolar stops. No ranking ofthese constraints can produce the zero-marked star as the past tense of star.(3)/stAr + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ stArdb. stArId *!c. stAr *!To summarize the result so far:Subjecting different verbs to different constraintrankings allows verbs to be zero-marked in the past only if they end in [t] or [d].6
Page 1 and 2: PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
Page 3 and 4: PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
Page 5 and 6: ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
Page 7 and 8: For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
Page 9 and 10: of voicing alternations in the lexi
Page 11 and 12: 2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
Page 13 and 14: 4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
Page 15 and 16: are several reasons for thinking ab
Page 17: etween conflicting grammars, which
Page 21 and 22: (4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
Page 23 and 24: At this point, the ranking algorith
Page 25 and 26: pattern is. Speakers use their gram
Page 27 and 28: once two segments are merged into o
Page 29 and 30: Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
Page 31 and 32: the singular or only in the plural.
Page 33 and 34: of the final stop, but they do not
Page 35 and 36: IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
Page 37 and 38: Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
Page 39 and 40: (22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
Page 41 and 42: A closer examination of vowel round
Page 43 and 44: While high has a larger R 2 than si
Page 45 and 46: ackness of final stem vowels are al
Page 47 and 48: syllable of the CVCVC words were re
Page 49 and 50: faithfully. The participants saw an
Page 51 and 52: (32) Differences between high and n
Page 53 and 54: to alternating responses than the b
Page 55 and 56: contrasted with general-purpose sta
Page 57 and 58: RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
Page 59 and 60: RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
Page 61 and 62: To replicate the effect that place
Page 63 and 64: (45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
Page 65 and 66: generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70:
To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72:
with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74:
vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76:
(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78:
Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79 and 80:
The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 81 and 82:
(66) The difference in rates of alt
Page 83 and 84:
(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88:
CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94:
The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
Page 95 and 96:
will stay agnostic about the status
Page 97 and 98:
a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102:
(83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104:
experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106:
The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108:
(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110:
stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112:
(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116:
(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117 and 118:
3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 119 and 120:
The problem here is that a single l
Page 121 and 122:
As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124:
Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126:
that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128:
(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
Page 131 and 132:
(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
Page 133 and 134:
3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
Page 139 and 140:
the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144:
3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
Page 147 and 148:
that is indifferent to the vowel of
Page 149 and 150:
changes could apply in two differen
Page 151 and 152:
The experimental results cannot be
Page 153 and 154:
ode) to form the past tense of nove
Page 155 and 156:
output is not present due to faithf
Page 157 and 158:
[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
Page 159 and 160:
trends in the lexicon and allows th
Page 161 and 162:
pair from the Support, but leaving
Page 163 and 164:
simple minimal conflict, which can
Page 165 and 166:
While this grammar will correctly d
Page 167 and 168:
(139) or (141), the choice of const
Page 169 and 170:
(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
Page 171 and 172:
that the likelihood of ot-taking in
Page 173 and 174:
(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
Page 175 and 176:
introduced, the clone, are discusse
Page 177 and 178:
*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
Page 179 and 180:
(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
Page 181 and 182:
The cloning subroutine in described
Page 183 and 184:
ability to learn a morphological ca
Page 185 and 186:
(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
Page 187 and 188:
c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
Page 189 and 190:
three listed possessive forms. Sinc
Page 191 and 192:
A fully general mechanism for findi
Page 193 and 194:
cloning. Subjecting the Support in
Page 195 and 196:
Adding the feature that causes an u
Page 197 and 198:
one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
Page 199 and 200:
and the learner’s form are differ
Page 201 and 202:
irrelevant for the derivation of y1
Page 203 and 204:
from its distribution, and if two c
Page 205 and 206:
My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207 and 208:
In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
Page 209 and 210:
of phonological primitives that con
Page 211 and 212:
preference for frequent mappings wi
Page 213 and 214:
that the vowel of the accusative su
Page 215 and 216:
(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218:
To summarize, the Korean case shows
Page 219 and 220:
In the approach that attributes hid
Page 221 and 222:
Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
Page 223 and 224:
following a (non-high) long vowel o
Page 225 and 226:
(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228:
d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229 and 230:
[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 231 and 232:
It might be worth noting that the d
Page 233 and 234:
CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236:
stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238:
5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
Page 239 and 240:
fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
Page 241 and 242:
BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
Page 243 and 244:
Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
Page 245 and 246:
Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247 and 248:
Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
Page 249 and 250:
Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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