Dissertation - Michael Becker

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words. In order to match the proportion of alternating stops in each place, both alternatingand non-alternating words will need to be tracked.Imagine a learner that has learned just two paradigms, amaÙ∼ amaÃ-1 and sepet ∼sepet-i. While one alternates and the other doesn’t, no inconsistency is detected yet, sinceIDENT(voice) interacts with two different markedness constraints (43).(43)IDENT(voice) *VtV *VÙVa. amaÃ-1 ≻ amaÙ-1 L Wb. sepet-i ≻ seped-i W LRunning RCD on (43) yields the clone-free grammar *VÙV ≫ IDENT(voice) ≫ *VtV.If the speaker learns the word anaÙ∼ anaÙ-1, however, the grammar becomes inconsistent(44).(44)IDENT(voice) *VtV *VÙVa. amaÃ-1 ≻ amaÙ-1 L Wb. anaÙ-1 ≻ anaÃ-1 W Lc. sepet-i ≻ seped-i W LSince there are no columns in (44) that don’t have L’s in them, RCD stalls. Cloningeither *VÙV or IDENT(voice) can resolve the inconsistency. In this case, *VÙV is chosensince its column has the least number of non-empty cells (choosing a constraint to clonebased on the number of non-empty cells is discussed in §4.2). The result of cloning *VÙVis shown below:49
(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙV anaÙa. amaÃ-1 ≻ amaÙ-1 L Wb. anaÙ-1 ≻ anaÃ-1 W Lc. sepet-i ≻ seped-i W LInstalling *VÙV amaÙ removes the first winner-loser pair. This leaves IDENT(voice) withno L’s in its column, so it is installed, and the last two winner-loser pairs are removed.Then, *VtV and *VÙV anaÙ are installed, yielding the ranking in (46).(46) *VÙV amaÙ ≫ IDENT(voice) ≫ *VtV, *VÙV anaÙThe resulting grammar has successfully partitioned the data available to the learner:Lexical items that end in Ù are listed with the two clones of *VÙV, and the t-final noun wasnot listed, since t-final nouns behave consistently in this limited set of data.Cloning of *VtV will only become necessary once the speaker encounters a word withan alternating t, e.g. kanat ∼ kanad-1 ‘wing’, as in (47). Note that whenever the speakerlearns a new paradigm, information about constraint conflicts may change; therefore,constraint cloning always starts from square one with the addition of a new winner-loserpair.50
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
Page 11 and 12: 2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
Page 13 and 14: 4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
Page 15 and 16: are several reasons for thinking ab
Page 17 and 18: etween conflicting grammars, which
Page 19 and 20: (2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
Page 21 and 22: (4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
Page 23 and 24: At this point, the ranking algorith
Page 25 and 26: pattern is. Speakers use their gram
Page 27 and 28: once two segments are merged into o
Page 29 and 30: Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
Page 31 and 32: the singular or only in the plural.
Page 33 and 34: of the final stop, but they do not
Page 35 and 36: IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
Page 37 and 38: Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
Page 39 and 40: (22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
Page 41 and 42: A closer examination of vowel round
Page 43 and 44: While high has a larger R 2 than si
Page 45 and 46: ackness of final stem vowels are al
Page 47 and 48: syllable of the CVCVC words were re
Page 49 and 50: faithfully. The participants saw an
Page 51 and 52: (32) Differences between high and n
Page 53 and 54: to alternating responses than the b
Page 55 and 56: contrasted with general-purpose sta
Page 57 and 58: RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
Page 59 and 60: RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
Page 61: To replicate the effect that place
Page 65 and 66: generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70: To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72: with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74: vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76: (60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78: Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79 and 80: The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 81 and 82: (66) The difference in rates of alt
Page 83 and 84: (67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86: Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90: -ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92: (71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94: The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
Page 95 and 96: will stay agnostic about the status
Page 97 and 98: a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99 and 100: ∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102: (83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104: experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106: The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108: (86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110: stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112: (96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247 and 248:
Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
Page 249 and 250:
Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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