Dissertation - Michael Becker

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available to the speaker. The principle of attributing predictable (or in this case, semipredictable)information to the grammar is well-established in linguistics.Attributingpredictable information to underlying representations prevents the learner from discoveringgeneralizations.In same cases, however, there is no way to attribute the full range of alternations thatare observed in a language to rankings of plausible universal constraints. One such caseis the final neutralization of obstruents in Korean, discussed briefly in §4.3.5 above, wherenot only laryngeal features (aspiration and voicing) but also manner (stop vs. fricative) andcoronal place (dental vs. post-alveolar) are neutralized. All these contrasts appear beforethe accusative suffix, as in (183), taken fron Albright (2008).(183) Bare noun Accusativenat^ nas1l ‘sickle’ 375nat^ naÙ h 1l ‘face’ 160nat^ nat h 1l ‘piece’ 113nat^ naÃ1l ‘daytime’ 17nat^ nad1l ‘grain’ 1The rightmost column in (183) shows the number of words in a dictionary of Koreanthat end with each of the coronal obstruents in their spelling, indicating the historicalpronunciation of these nouns. The fricative [s] is the most common coronal root-finallyin the accusative, and the aspirated [Ù h ] and [t h ] are quite common as well. The voiced[Ã] and [d] are much less common, and the glottalized/tense coronals of the language areabsent completely.Albright (2008) discusses recent innovations in Korean, where speakers extend thecommon [t^] ∼ [s] and [t^] ∼ [Ù h ] alternations of the accusative at the expense of [t^] ∼[t h ], [t^] ∼ [d], and [t^] ∼ [Ã]. In other words, speakers extend the most frequent mappingsand remove the less frequent ones (“the rich get richer”). While Albright analyzes this197
preference for frequent mappings with a general-purpose learner, i.e. a learner that doesn’tincorporate substantive Universal Grammar principles, I suggest that an analysis in termsof plausible markedness constraints is within reach.First, if the language learner assumes the base form /nat^/ as the underlying representationof all the roots in (183), and assumes /1l/ as the underlying representation of theaccusative suffix, they can learn several facts about Korean.Korean does not allow voiceless unaspirated stops intervocalically – intervocalic stopsmust be either voiced or aspirated. Since the base has a voiceless unaspirated stop, this stopwill not surface faithfully. Stops that surface aspirated in the accusative are faithful to thevoicelessness of the base (184), while stops that surface voiced are faithful to the lack ofaspiration in the base (185). A sample derivation is shown in (186).(184) /nat^+ 1l/ → [nat h 1l], [naÙ h 1l]requires *VTV, 15 IDENT(voice) ≫ IDENT(asp)(185) /nat^+ 1l/ → [nad1l], [naÃ1l]requires *VTV, IDENT(asp) ≫ IDENT(voice)(186)/nat^+ 1l/ *VTV IDENT(voice) IDENT(asp)a. nat1l *!b. nad1l *!c. ☞ nat h 1l *15 I am taking *VTV to be a constraint that penalizes intervocalic voiceless unaspirates. One can imaginea different analysis, where markedness penalizes any intervocalic voiceless stop, either aspirated or not. Thiswill change the details, but not the main point, which is that the appearance of different stem-final obstruentsin the accusative is due to constraint interaction, not to faithfulness to a non-surface-true UR.198
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
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Page 169 and 170: (150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
Page 171 and 172: that the likelihood of ot-taking in
Page 173 and 174: (155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
Page 175 and 176: introduced, the clone, are discusse
Page 177 and 178: *VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
Page 179 and 180: (161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
Page 181 and 182: The cloning subroutine in described
Page 183 and 184: ability to learn a morphological ca
Page 185 and 186: (165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
Page 187 and 188: c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
Page 189 and 190: three listed possessive forms. Sinc
Page 191 and 192: A fully general mechanism for findi
Page 193 and 194: cloning. Subjecting the Support in
Page 195 and 196: Adding the feature that causes an u
Page 197 and 198: one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
Page 199 and 200: and the learner’s form are differ
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Page 203 and 204: from its distribution, and if two c
Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207 and 208: In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
Page 209: of phonological primitives that con
Page 213 and 214: that the vowel of the accusative su
Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
Page 219 and 220: In the approach that attributes hid
Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
Page 223 and 224: following a (non-high) long vowel o
Page 225 and 226: (200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228: d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229 and 230: [-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 231 and 232: It might be worth noting that the d
Page 233 and 234: CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236: stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238: 5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
Page 239 and 240: fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
Page 241 and 242: BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
Page 243 and 244: Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
Page 245 and 246: Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247 and 248: Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
Page 249 and 250: Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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