Dissertation - Michael Becker

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(104)LOCAL(o) DISTAL(o) φ-MATCHa. xalon-ót ≻ *xalon-ím W W Lb. alon-ím ≻ *alon-ót L L Wc. olam-ót ≻ *olam-ím W Ld. olar-ím ≻ *olar-ót L WSimply cloning LOCAL(o), however, is not quite sufficient. As the comparative tableauin (105) shows, once LOCAL(o) is cloned, LOCAL(o) xalon can be installed, removing thefirst winner-loser pair from the tableau.Since this again leaves the tableau with noconstraints to install, another constraint will be cloned. Assuming DISTAL(o) is chosenfor cloning, one of its clones will be associated with the item that DISTAL(o) assigns a Wto, viz. olám, and the other clone will be associated with the two items that DISTAL(o)assigns a L to, viz. alón and olár.(105)LOC-AL(o) xalonLOC-AL(o) alonDISTAL(o) φ-MATCHa. xalon-ót ≻ *xalon-ím W W Lb. alon-ím ≻ *alon-ót L L Wc. olam-ót ≻ *olam-ím W Ld. olar-ím ≻ *olar-ót L W105
The problem here is that a single lexical item, alon, is “double-dipping”, i.e. its choiceof –ot is listed with clones of two constraints. The grammar the learner would make from(105) is in (106).(106) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ DISTAL(o) olam ≫ φ-MATCH ≫LOCAL(o) alon , DISTAL(o) {alon, olar}While double-dipping doesn’t prevent the learner from successfully learning the realnouns of Hebrew, it makes the wrong prediction about speakers’ ability to project lexicalstatistics onto novel words. If DISTAL(o) has one clone that lists ot-takers that have a nonfinal[o], and another clone that lists all of the im-takers that have an [o] anywhere in theroot, as in (106), speakers will underestimate the ability of non-final [o] to correlate withthe selection of [o]. In the lexicon, 12 out of the 102 nouns that have the vowel pattern [a-o]are ot-takers, which makes their likelihood in the lexicon 11.8% (see 76 above). If these 12ot-takers are weighed against all the im-takers that have an [o] in them, as in (106), theirlikelihood in the grammar would only be 5.2%. This goes contrary to the observation in§3.3 that speakers correctly reproduce the relative strength of lexical trends.To prevent double-dipping, it is not enough to simply clone the most specific constraintavailable. The learner must also ignore (or “mask”) the matching W’s and L’s that areassigned by less-specific constraints once a more specific constraint is cloned. This isshown in (107), where the speaker cloned the most specific LOCAL(o) and also maskedW’s and L’s that were assigned to items that are associated with the new clones.106
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70: To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72: with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74: vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76: (60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78: Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79 and 80: The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 81 and 82: (66) The difference in rates of alt
Page 83 and 84: (67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86: Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90: -ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92: (71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94: The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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Page 97 and 98: a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99 and 100: ∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102: (83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104: experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106: The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108: (86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110: stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112: (96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
Page 113 and 114: frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116: (100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117: 3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 121 and 122: As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124: Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126: that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128: (114) “surface” language “dee
Page 129 and 130: garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
Page 131 and 132: (118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
Page 133 and 134: 3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
Page 135 and 136: in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
Page 137 and 138: for the combined stem vowel change
Page 139 and 140: the ability to observe any vowel ef
Page 141 and 142: (128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144: 3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
Page 147 and 148: that is indifferent to the vowel of
Page 149 and 150: changes could apply in two differen
Page 151 and 152: The experimental results cannot be
Page 153 and 154: ode) to form the past tense of nove
Page 155 and 156: output is not present due to faithf
Page 157 and 158: [o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
Page 159 and 160: trends in the lexicon and allows th
Page 161 and 162: pair from the Support, but leaving
Page 163 and 164: simple minimal conflict, which can
Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
Page 167 and 168: (139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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