Dissertation - Michael Becker

(192) a. /nat^+ [−ant] 1l/ → [naÙ h 1l], [naÃ1l]requires MAX(float) ≫ IDENT(ant)b. /nat^+ [−ant] 1l/ → [nat h 1l], [nad1l]requires IDENT(ant) ≫ MAX(float)When *TI is highly ranked, and a coronal fricative surfaces before the accusative suffix,Korean won’t allow the floating [−anterior] to surface faithfully, because the language asa whole is not faithful to [anterior] on fricatives. This is ensured by the high-rankingconstraint *S, which in turn is dominated by *si, making [S] surface before [i] and [s] surfaceelsewhere. Since the high-ranking *S makes either ranking of IDENT(ant) and MAX(float)compatible with the winner, no items that surface with [s] in the accusative will be listedwith clones of IDENT(ant).(193) /nat^+ [−ant] 1l/ → [nas1l]requires *S ≫ IDENT(ant), MAX(float)Since the learn has conflicting evidence about the ranking of IDENT(ant), they willclone it. Among the nouns that surface with a stop in the accusative, 61% are predicted tosurface as [Ù h ] or [Ã] rather than as [t h ] or [d].(194) *S ≫ IDENT(ant) {113+1 items} ≫ MAX(float) ≫ IDENT(ant) {160+17 items}After the addition of the floating [−anterior] to the UR of the accusative suffix, thelearner can account for all the mappings that they observe, and they can correctly learn theproportion of each of the five stem-final coronals in the language. The preferences that thegrammar makes are given in (195), showing that the grammar successfully replicates thelexical counts given in (183).201