Dissertation - Michael Becker

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(207)/kal + {-Er, -Ir}/BY-F –Er*RER *´σ/HIGHa. ☞ ka(l-ír) *b. ka(l-ár) *!CVR roots that take [-Ir], like kal, require *RER ≫ *´σ/HIGH, while CVR roots thattake [-Er], like dal, require the opposite ranking. This in turn will lead to the cloning of*RER. The ranking arguments are summarized in (208).(208)ALIGNL-ALIGNL-BY-F –Er*´σ/HIGH *RERa. gerek-ir ≻ gerek-er W Lb. bit-er ≻ bit-ir Wc. dal-ar ≻ dal-1r W Ld. kal-1r ≻ kal-ar L WOnce ALIGNL-BY-F –Er is installed in (208), and the first winner-loser pair is removedfrom the Support, the conflict between *´σ/HIGH and *RER is apparent.Note that nofaithfulness cost is associated with the selection of the allomorphs of the aorist, and all thework is done by ranking general and lexically-specific markedness constraints.phonetic factor causes both dissimilation and assimilation in the same language, the dissimilation affect ismore restricted: Dissimilation is operative only in allomorph selection in verbs.217
It might be worth noting that the distribution of the Turkish aorist is irregular only inthose cases where one sonorant from the aorist suffix and one sonorant from the root flanka vowel. In other words, the irregular pattern is not phonologically arbitrary. My UGbasedanalysis expresses this non-accidental nature of the distribution by the use of themarkedness constraint *RER.The Turkish case is parallel to the analysis of the English verbs offered above, whichcrucially relies on the fact that the past tense consists of an alveolar stop and that the verbsthat exceptionally don’t take it end in an alveolar stop. The distribution of the lexicalexceptions is not phonologically arbitrary, but rather follows from a constraint againstclusters of alveolar stops.4.6 ConclusionsThis chapter presents a theory of speakers’ knowledge of irregular morphology. I claimthat speakers use an Optimality Theoretic grammar to identify irregular patterns in theirlexicon and extract partial phonological regularities from it.The theory relies on theRecursive Constraint Demotion algorithm (Tesar & Smolensky 1998, 2000; Tesar 1998;Prince 2002), augmented with a mechanism of constraint cloning (Pater 2006, 2008b).Once it is discovered that different lexical items require different constraint rankings,a constraint is cloned, and each clone lists lexical items with it. As the speaker learnsthe words of their language, lexical statistics are gradually built into the grammar. Theresulting grammar is able to give consistent behavior to listed items, and also project thetrend that is created by the listed items stochastically onto novel items.I offer a formal theory of cloning, which involves the “least populated column” metricfor identifying constraints to clone, augmented with “masking”, which is a measure forpreventing double-dipping, ensuring that lexical trends are represented correctly in thegrammar.I formalize the learning algorithm as a variant of RCD with error-drivenlearning, including a method for finding underlying representations.In order to make218
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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Page 187 and 188: c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207 and 208: In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
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Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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Page 225 and 226: (200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228: d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229: [-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 233 and 234: CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236: stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238: 5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
Page 239 and 240: fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
Page 241 and 242: BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
Page 243 and 244: Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
Page 245 and 246: Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247 and 248: Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
Page 249 and 250: Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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