Dissertation - Michael Becker

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c. /at + I/ → [at-1]/tat + [+voice] I/→ [tad-1]d. Each allomorph of the possessive lists the roots it takes:/I/ takes /at/, /ot/, /sepet/, .../[+voice] I/ takes /tat/, /kanat/, ...Assuming that the floating [+voice] is protected by MAX(float), as in Wolf (2007),then the single constraint ranking MAX(float) ≫ IDENT(voice) will derive all the wordsof the language.In this scenario, either each root would be marked for the affix ittakes, or equivalently, each affix will be marked for the roots it takes.The grammarwould be consistent: Faithfulness to underlying [voice] specification would outrank *VtV,and faithfulness to floating features will be ranked higher than simple faithfulness. Thisscenario makes a slight improvement over the attribution of voicing information to roots:Since roots will be listed with two different affixes, the learner will have information abouthow many roots there are of each kind, and thus learn a lexical trend. However, roots ofall sizes and of all final stops will be listed by the same two allomorphs of the possessivesuffix, preventing the Turkish learner from identifying the trends for each place and sizeseparately. Encoding hidden structure by proliferating affix allomorphs, then, does notallow the learner to discover the full range of trends in their language. In principle, thelearner could assign allomorphs of the possessive suffix for nouns of different sizes andfinal stops, but there would be no reason for them to do that, since simply stipulating twoallomorphs would be enough to make the grammar consistent.Since encoding the hidden behavior of lexical items in the underlying representationsof either roots or suffixes leaves the learner with no way or reason to identify lexical trends,encoding such behavior in the grammar is left as the only logical option. Capturing hiddenbehavior in terms of cloned constraints ensures that lexical trends are identified in terms ofconstraints, i.e. it ensures that trends are captured in phonological terms, using the variety195
of phonological primitives that constraints are sensitive to, such as marked combinationsof features, preferred alignments of phonological elements, positional faithfulness, etc.Contrasted with traditional generative analyses, the proposal made here “reverses” theeffect of the phonology. Instead of assigning the hidden aspects of bases to their underlyingrepresentation, and then neutralizing them in the unaffixed form, as is done traditionally,I propose that the surface forms of bases are assumed as their underlying form, andany properties of the base that emerge only in suffixed forms are achieved by constraintinteraction. In the simple case of Turkish, where the only hidden property of nominal rootsis the voicing of their final stop, the analysis in terms of cloned constraints is not onlyclearly feasible, it is also the only analysis that allows speakers to capture the variety oflexical trends that the language has.Assuming the base form as the underlying representation has the added benefit ofobviating the search for non-surface-true underlying representations. This search requiresa significant amount of computation, as shown by Tesar (2006) and Merchant (2008), andin parallel lines of work, also by Boersma (2001) and Apoussidou (2007) and by Jarosz(2006), who specifically look at “final-devoicing languages”, i.e. languages like Turkish,where the behavior of root-final stops is hidden in the bare form of the root. In the proposalsmentioned above, the search for the optimal lexicon not only involves a rather large searchspace, it is also done in parallel with a search for a constraint ranking for the language. Inmy proposal, the learner is only trying to learn a constraint ranking, which is shown in Tesar& Smolensky (1998) to be quite efficient, and probably more efficient that searching for aranking and a lexicon. An explicit proof that my approach requires a lighter computationalload, however, is left for future work.4.4.2 Hidden structure in affixes: KoreanIn the discussion of Turkish above, attributing hidden structure of roots to thegrammar was shown to be the only way to make the full range of lexical trends196
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
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Page 169 and 170: (150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
Page 171 and 172: that the likelihood of ot-taking in
Page 173 and 174: (155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
Page 175 and 176: introduced, the clone, are discusse
Page 177 and 178: *VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
Page 179 and 180: (161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
Page 181 and 182: The cloning subroutine in described
Page 183 and 184: ability to learn a morphological ca
Page 185 and 186: (165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
Page 187 and 188: c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
Page 189 and 190: three listed possessive forms. Sinc
Page 191 and 192: A fully general mechanism for findi
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Page 195 and 196: Adding the feature that causes an u
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Page 199 and 200: and the learner’s form are differ
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Page 203 and 204: from its distribution, and if two c
Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207: In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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Page 213 and 214: that the vowel of the accusative su
Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
Page 219 and 220: In the approach that attributes hid
Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
Page 223 and 224: following a (non-high) long vowel o
Page 225 and 226: (200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228: d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229 and 230: [-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 231 and 232: It might be worth noting that the d
Page 233 and 234: CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236: stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238: 5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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Page 241 and 242: BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
Page 243 and 244: Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
Page 245 and 246: Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247 and 248: Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
Page 249 and 250: Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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