Dissertation - Michael Becker

More documents

Recommendations

Info

Cloning C1, for example, would make winner1 and winner3 listed with one of itsclones, and installing that clone would leave only the second winner-loser pair in theSupport. This would allow C2 and C3 to be installed. The resulting grammar would beC1 winner1, winner3 ≫ C2, C3 ≫ C1 winner2 . If, however, C2 is cloned, winner2 and winner3 arenow forming a class of items that gets listed with a clone, eventually leading to the grammarC2 winner2, winner3 ≫ C1 ≫ C3, C winner1 . We see again that choosing any one of the constraintsto clone solves the inconsistency, but the resulting lexical trends are different: Cloning C1puts winner1 and winner3 in the same bin, while cloning C2 puts winner2 and winner3 inthe same bin. Since it is not known whether natural languages produce situations such asthe one in (155) or the one in (156), it is not known whether this is a problem.4.3 The cloning algorithmThe previous section presented the basic mechanics of cloning, focusing on the choiceof constraint to clone. This section adds in the details, presenting an algorithm for learningan OT grammar that incorporates cloned constraints.The algorithm is based on theRecursive Constraint Demotion Algorithm (RCD, Tesar & Smolensky 1998, 2000; Tesar1998; Prince 2002), augmented with a mechanism for Inconsistency Resolution that isbased on Pater (2006, 2008b).The learner’s goal in the proposed model is to discover the phonological realization ofthe morphological categories in their language. The morphological structure, including itsmeaning and any associated hierarchical structure is taken here to be given. The learnerneeds to discover the phonological underlying representation of the various morphemesand the phonological processes that take place as these morphemes are combined to makewords, even if these phonological processes apply to some morphemes and not others.This section starts by presenting the original RCD in §4.3.1, and then adding thecloning mechanism for resolving inconsistency in §4.3.2. The properties of the new object161
introduced, the clone, are discussed and formalized in §4.3.3. The application of a grammarthat has cloned constraints in it is discussed in §4.3.4.The Cloning RCD operates on a Support, which contains three kinds of linguisticobjects: winners, underlying forms, and losers. Of these, only the winners are directlyobservable surface forms. Underlying forms and losers must be provided by a separatemechanism, and §§4.3.1-4.3.4 presuppose that the underlying forms and losers are given.In the remaining two sections, some ideas for creating underlying forms and losers areexplored. The search of underlying forms is taken on in §4.3.5, and the generation of losersis touched on in §4.3.6.4.3.1 Background: RCDRCD is an algorithm for learning a grammar, given a set of universal constraints anda prepared table of winner-loser pairs. 3This table is also called the Support in Tesar &Prince (2006). In each winner-loser pair, the winner is a surface form of the adult languagethat the learner is exposed to, and the loser is some other form, provided by the learner orthe analyst, that the winner is compared to. In each pair, is it assumed that the winner andthe loser are derived from a single underlying representation, also provided by the learneror the analyst.A winner-loser pair, then, is prepared by taking each output form of the language,assigning an underlying form and a loser to it, and comparing how the winner and the loserfare on the set of universal constraints. A sample winner and loser are shown in (157),where the winner is the surface form [aÙ-1], and the analyst provided the underlying form/aÙ + 1/ and the loser *[aÃ-1].3 Tesar & Smolensky (1998, 2000) define their version of RCD to operate on mark-data pairs. These werelater replaced by winner-loser pairs, which abstract from the number of violation marks to a simple binarydistinction (Prince 2002 et seq.)162
Page 1 and 2:
PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
Page 3 and 4:
PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
Page 5 and 6:
ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
Page 7 and 8:
For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
Page 9 and 10:
of voicing alternations in the lexi
Page 11 and 12:
2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
Page 13 and 14:
4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
Page 15 and 16:
are several reasons for thinking ab
Page 17 and 18:
etween conflicting grammars, which
Page 19 and 20:
(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
Page 21 and 22:
(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
Page 23 and 24:
At this point, the ranking algorith
Page 25 and 26:
pattern is. Speakers use their gram
Page 27 and 28:
once two segments are merged into o
Page 29 and 30:
Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
Page 31 and 32:
the singular or only in the plural.
Page 33 and 34:
of the final stop, but they do not
Page 35 and 36:
IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
Page 37 and 38:
Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
Page 39 and 40:
(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
Page 41 and 42:
A closer examination of vowel round
Page 43 and 44:
While high has a larger R 2 than si
Page 45 and 46:
ackness of final stem vowels are al
Page 47 and 48:
syllable of the CVCVC words were re
Page 49 and 50:
faithfully. The participants saw an
Page 51 and 52:
(32) Differences between high and n
Page 53 and 54:
to alternating responses than the b
Page 55 and 56:
contrasted with general-purpose sta
Page 57 and 58:
RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
Page 59 and 60:
RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
Page 61 and 62:
To replicate the effect that place
Page 63 and 64:
(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
Page 65 and 66:
generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68:
(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70:
To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72:
with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74:
vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76:
(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78:
Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79 and 80:
The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 81 and 82:
(66) The difference in rates of alt
Page 83 and 84:
(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86:
Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88:
CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90:
-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92:
(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94:
The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
Page 95 and 96:
will stay agnostic about the status
Page 97 and 98:
a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99 and 100:
∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102:
(83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104:
experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106:
The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108:
(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110:
stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112:
(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
Page 113 and 114:
frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116:
(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117 and 118:
3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 119 and 120:
The problem here is that a single l
Page 121 and 122:
As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124: Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126: that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128: (114) “surface” language “dee
Page 129 and 130: garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
Page 131 and 132: (118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
Page 133 and 134: 3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
Page 135 and 136: in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
Page 137 and 138: for the combined stem vowel change
Page 139 and 140: the ability to observe any vowel ef
Page 141 and 142: (128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144: 3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
Page 147 and 148: that is indifferent to the vowel of
Page 149 and 150: changes could apply in two differen
Page 151 and 152: The experimental results cannot be
Page 153 and 154: ode) to form the past tense of nove
Page 155 and 156: output is not present due to faithf
Page 157 and 158: [o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
Page 159 and 160: trends in the lexicon and allows th
Page 161 and 162: pair from the Support, but leaving
Page 163 and 164: simple minimal conflict, which can
Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
Page 167 and 168: (139) or (141), the choice of const
Page 169 and 170: (150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
Page 171 and 172: that the likelihood of ot-taking in
Page 173: (155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
Page 177 and 178: *VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
Page 179 and 180: (161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
Page 181 and 182: The cloning subroutine in described
Page 183 and 184: ability to learn a morphological ca
Page 185 and 186: (165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
Page 187 and 188: c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
Page 189 and 190: three listed possessive forms. Sinc
Page 191 and 192: A fully general mechanism for findi
Page 193 and 194: cloning. Subjecting the Support in
Page 195 and 196: Adding the feature that causes an u
Page 197 and 198: one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
Page 199 and 200: and the learner’s form are differ
Page 201 and 202: irrelevant for the derivation of y1
Page 203 and 204: from its distribution, and if two c
Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207 and 208: In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
Page 209 and 210: of phonological primitives that con
Page 211 and 212: preference for frequent mappings wi
Page 213 and 214: that the vowel of the accusative su
Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
Page 219 and 220: In the approach that attributes hid
Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
Page 223 and 224: following a (non-high) long vowel o
Page 225 and 226:
(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228:
d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229 and 230:
[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 231 and 232:
It might be worth noting that the d
Page 233 and 234:
CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236:
stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238:
5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
Page 239 and 240:
fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
Page 241 and 242:
BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
Page 243 and 244:
Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
Page 245 and 246:
Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247 and 248:
Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
Page 249 and 250:
Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
show all

Dissertation - Michael Becker

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?