Dissertation - Michael Becker

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Pater, Joe (2008b). Morpheme-specific phonology: Constraint indexation andinconsistency resolution. In Steve Parker (ed.) Phonological Argumentation: Essayson Evidence and Motivation, Equinox. 1–33.Petrova, Olga, Rosemary Plapp, Catherine Ringen & Szilárd Szentgyörgyi (2006). Voiceand aspiration: Evidence from Russian, Hungarian, German, Swedish, and Turkish. TheLinguistic Review 23. 1–35.Pierrehumbert, Janet B. (2006). The statistical basis of an unnatural alternation. In LouisGoldstein, D.H. Whalen & Catherine T. Best (eds.) Laboratory Phonology VIII, Varietiesof Phonological Competence, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 81–107.Pinker, Steven & Alan Prince (1988). On language and connectionism: Analysis of aparallel distributed processing model of language acquisition. Cognition 28. 73–193.Prince, Alan (2002). Arguing optimality. ROA 562-1102.Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky (1993/2004). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interactionin Generative Grammar. Oxford: Blackwell. [ROA-537].Prince, Alan & Bruce Tesar (1999). Learning phonotactic distributions. TechnicalReport RuCCS-TR-54, Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University, NewBrunswick [Available as ROA-353].Quinlan, J. R. (1993). C4.5: Programs for Machine Learning. San Mateo, CA: MorganKaufman.R Development Core Team (2007). R: A language and environment for statisticalcomputing. Vienna, Austria. (http://www.R-project.org).Rice, Curt (2006). Norwegian stress and quantity: The implications of loanwords. Lingua116. 1171–1194.Schreuder, Robert & R. Harald Baayen (1995). Modeling morphological processing.In Laurie B. Feldman (ed.) Morphological aspects of language processing, LawrenceErlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ. 131–54.Skousen, Royal (1989). Analogical Modeling of Language. Dordrecht: Kluwer.Skousen, Royal (1993). Analogy and structure. Dordrecht: Kluwer.Smith, Jennifer L. (2001). Lexical category and phonological contrast. In Robert Kirchner,Joe Pater & Wolf Wikely (eds.) Papers in Experimental and Theoretical Linguistics 6:Workshop on the Lexicon in Phonetics and Phonology, Edmonton: University of Alberta.61–72.Tesar, Bruce (1995). Computational Optimality Theory. Ph.D. dissertation, University ofColorado at Boulder. ROA 90-0000.235
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207 and 208: In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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Page 213 and 214: that the vowel of the accusative su
Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
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Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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Page 225 and 226: (200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228: d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229 and 230: [-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 231 and 232: It might be worth noting that the d
Page 233 and 234: CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236: stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238: 5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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Page 241 and 242: BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
Page 243 and 244: Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
Page 245 and 246: Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
Page 247: Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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