- Page 1 and 2: PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
- Page 3 and 4: PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
- Page 5 and 6: ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
- Page 7 and 8: For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
- Page 9 and 10: of voicing alternations in the lexi
- Page 11 and 12: 2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
- Page 13 and 14: 4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
- Page 15 and 16: are several reasons for thinking ab
- Page 17 and 18: etween conflicting grammars, which
- Page 19 and 20: (2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
- Page 21 and 22: (4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
- Page 23 and 24: At this point, the ranking algorith
- Page 25 and 26: pattern is. Speakers use their gram
- Page 27 and 28: once two segments are merged into o
- Page 29: Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
- Page 33 and 34: of the final stop, but they do not
- Page 35 and 36: IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
- Page 37 and 38: Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
- Page 39 and 40: (22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
- Page 41 and 42: A closer examination of vowel round
- Page 43 and 44: While high has a larger R 2 than si
- Page 45 and 46: ackness of final stem vowels are al
- Page 47 and 48: syllable of the CVCVC words were re
- Page 49 and 50: faithfully. The participants saw an
- Page 51 and 52: (32) Differences between high and n
- Page 53 and 54: to alternating responses than the b
- Page 55 and 56: contrasted with general-purpose sta
- Page 57 and 58: RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
- Page 59 and 60: RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
- Page 61 and 62: To replicate the effect that place
- Page 63 and 64: (45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
- Page 65 and 66: generally don’t alternate, regard
- Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
- Page 69 and 70: To summarize, the analysis of the s
- Page 71 and 72: with clones of the specific IDENT(v
- Page 73 and 74: vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
- Page 75 and 76: (60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
- Page 77 and 78: Since the deleting dorsals and the
- Page 79 and 80: The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
- Page 243 and 244:
Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
- Page 245 and 246:
Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
- Page 247 and 248:
Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu