Dissertation - Michael Becker

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(157)/aÙ + 1/ IDENT(voice) σ1 *VÙV ONSETa. ☞ aÙ-1 * *b. aÃ-1 *! *When the winner and the loser in (157) are made into a winner-loser pair, as in (158),the number of violation marks in each column is compared (Prince 2002). A “winnerfavoring”constraint, or a constraint that assigns more violation marks to the loser than tothe winner, assigns a W to the pair. Similarly, a “loser-favoring” constraint is one thatassigns more violations to the winner than it does to the loser, and this is marked by an L.A constraint that assigns the same number of violations to the winner and to the loser, likeONSET in this example, leaves an empty cell in (158).(158)IDENT(voice) σ1 *VÙV ONSETa. aÙ-1 ≻ aÃ-1 W LOnce the Support is ready, even with just one winner-loser pair, as in (158), RCD canrun on it. RCD produces a stratified hierarchy of the constraints by finding constraintsthat have at least one W and no L’s in their column, and “installing” them. Installingconstraints means that they are added to the constraint hierarchy below any previouslyinstalled constraints, and any winner-loser pairs they assign W’s to are removed fromthe Support.RCD is done when the Support is emptied out, and any constraints thatwere left over are installed at the bottom of the hierarchy. In (158), RCD first identifiesIDENT(voice) σ1 as a constraint that has at least one W and no L’s in its column, and installsit. This removes the single winner-loser pair in the Support, so RCD can finish by installing163
*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice) σ1 . The resulting grammar is IDENT(voice) σ1 ≫*VÙV, ONSET.RCD is described formally in (159). It starts with a Support, and finds all the constraintsthat are ready to install (159a). It finds the winner-loser pairs that these constraints assigna W to, removes these winner-loser pairs from the Support (159b-i), adds these constraintsto the developing constraint hierarchy (159b-ii), and removes these constraints from theSupport (159b-iii). Once the Support is empty, any remaining constraints are added to thehierarchy, and RCD is done.(159) RCD Algorithm (after Tesar & Smolensky 1998, 2000)Given a Support S,Given a set of constraints in S, not-yet-ranked constraints,H := a new constraint hierarchy.While S is not empty, repeat:a. current-stratum := all the constraints in not-yet-ranked constraints that haveat least one W and no L’s in their column in Sb. If current-stratum ≠ ∅,i. remove winner-loser pairs that are assigned a W by any constraint incurrent-stratum.ii.iii.put current-stratum as the next stratum in H, andremove current-stratum from not-yet-ranked constraintsPut not-yet-ranked constraints as the next stratum in H.Return H.RCD is guaranteed to find a ranking of the constraints in a given Support if the data inthe Support was created from some ranking of the constraints (Tesar & Smolensky 2000,p. 109). If, however, the language data does not come from a single ranking, RCD is notguaranteed to find a ranking. This is shown with the fragment of Turkish in (160), where164
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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Page 133 and 134: 3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
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Page 169 and 170: (150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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Page 175: introduced, the clone, are discusse
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Page 181 and 182: The cloning subroutine in described
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Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
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Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
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Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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