Dissertation - Michael Becker

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a few participants in the middle. The “surface” group is characterized by a large numberof participants at the higher end of the scale, while the participants in the “deep” group aremore heavily concentrated at the low end.(123)14no. of participants12108642DeepSurface00-2 3-5 6-8 9-11 12-14 15-17 18-20generalization scoreSince statistical tests that assume a normal distribution, such as the t-test, are out, thedata was transformed using a cut-off point. Participants who scored above the cut-off pointwere given a score of 1, and the others were given a score of 0. The transformed resultswere compared with Fisher’s exact test. At a cut-off point of 17, the difference betweenthe groups is significant (odds ratio 3.736, p = .047). The choice of 17 for the cut-off pointcomes from the distribution of the generalization scores in the “surface” group, where noparticipant scored in the 13–17 range, inclusive, suggesting that a score of 18 or above isthe minimum for being considered a good generalizer.The by-item analysis also shows a significant difference in the performance of the twogroups. The chart in (124) shows the number of participants who successfully changeda stem vowel [i] in the singular to [o] in the plural and vice versa for each item, andthe number of participants who successfully changed the stem vowel and also chose theexpected plural affix for the language they learned. The differences between the groups aresignificant both for the stem vowel change only (paired t-test: t(19) = 7.36, p < .001) and123
for the combined stem vowel change and affix selection (paired t-test: t(19) = 9.25, p .05). The “deep”language participants, however, often changed the stem vowel successfully, but then failedto choose the expected affix, as evidence by the two distinct gray lines (paired t-test: t(19)= 6.19, p < .001).(124) The number of participants who correctly changed stem vowels and chose appropriateplural suffixes, by item20no. of participants15105anizaxifalicafishapisagivashikazidamixaxigagoshahozashocatoxadosapodarofamovashogabokSurface stemSurface affixDeep stemDeep affixi oo iA final thing to note about (124) is that the performance of the “surface” groupparticipants is equally good on the items that require the change of [i] to [o] and thosethat require the change of [o] to [i] (t(17.67) = .268, p > .1), whereas the “deep” groupparticipants performed more poorly on the items that required the change of [i] to [o](t(17.17) = 4.430, p < .001).The experimental results were analyzed with a mixed-effects logistic regression modelin R (R Development Core Team 2007) using the lmer function of the LME4 package,124
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86: Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90: -ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92: (71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94: The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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Page 97 and 98: a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99 and 100: ∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102: (83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104: experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106: The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108: (86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110: stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112: (96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
Page 113 and 114: frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116: (100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117 and 118: 3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 119 and 120: The problem here is that a single l
Page 121 and 122: As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124: Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126: that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128: (114) “surface” language “dee
Page 129 and 130: garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
Page 131 and 132: (118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
Page 133 and 134: 3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
Page 135: in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
Page 139 and 140: the ability to observe any vowel ef
Page 141 and 142: (128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144: 3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
Page 147 and 148: that is indifferent to the vowel of
Page 149 and 150: changes could apply in two differen
Page 151 and 152: The experimental results cannot be
Page 153 and 154: ode) to form the past tense of nove
Page 155 and 156: output is not present due to faithf
Page 157 and 158: [o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
Page 159 and 160: trends in the lexicon and allows th
Page 161 and 162: pair from the Support, but leaving
Page 163 and 164: simple minimal conflict, which can
Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
Page 167 and 168: (139) or (141), the choice of const
Page 169 and 170: (150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
Page 171 and 172: that the likelihood of ot-taking in
Page 173 and 174: (155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
Page 175 and 176: introduced, the clone, are discusse
Page 177 and 178: *VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
Page 179 and 180: (161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
Page 181 and 182: The cloning subroutine in described
Page 183 and 184: ability to learn a morphological ca
Page 185 and 186: (165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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