Dissertation - Michael Becker

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2.5.2 ResultsThe chart in (65) shows MGL’s prediction for the nonce words used in the experiment,grouped by size vs. place, plotted against the proportion of alternating words in TELL inthe corresponding size and place. The MGL predictions matches the lexicon very well(Spearman’s rank correlation test, S = 18, ρ = .937, p < .001).(65) Rates of alternation in the lexicon, by place and size, plotted against the percentageof alternating responses predicted by the Minimal Generalization Learner.90%80%CVCVk CVCVp70%CVCVMGL predictions60%50%40%30%CVCVpCVCVtCVCtCVCCVCp20%CVk CVCkCVt10%0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%lexiconThe MGL prediction match the lexicon for the height effect as well, as shown in (66),with significant correlation (Spearman’s rank correlation test, S = 92, ρ = .678, p < .05).This contrasts sharply with the lack of correlation between the lexical statistics and theexperimental results (see 32 above).67
(66) The difference in rates of alternation between high and non-high vowels, by sizeand place, in the lexicon and in the MGL results.25%CVCVt20%15%CVkMGL predictionsCVC10%5%CVCtCVCVCVpCVCk0% CVCVkCVt CVCVCVpCVCp-60% -40% -20% 0% 20% 40%-5%-10%lexicon2.5.3 DiscussionThe MGL’s impressive performance in matching the lexical trends of Turkish voicingalternations were to its detriment. In out-performing the participants of the experimentdescribed in §2.3, it failed to mimic human behavior.The MGL is a powerful learner for phonological patterns. Given nothing but a list ofparadigms and the natural classes that the segments in it form, it learned that Turkish hasvoicing alternations and that there are factors that are correlated with their distribution.However, since the MGL lacks a theory of possible interactions between phonologicalelements, it could not ignore the predictive power of vowel height and backness indetermining the alternating or non-alternating status of attested nouns, and it used all thecorrelations it found in predicting the status of novel forms.Humans, I argue, are biased to ignore any effect that vowel quality might have onthe voicing of a neighboring consonant. This one and the same bias is observed in two68
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
Page 29 and 30: Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
Page 31 and 32: the singular or only in the plural.
Page 33 and 34: of the final stop, but they do not
Page 35 and 36: IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
Page 37 and 38: Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
Page 39 and 40: (22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
Page 41 and 42: A closer examination of vowel round
Page 43 and 44: While high has a larger R 2 than si
Page 45 and 46: ackness of final stem vowels are al
Page 47 and 48: syllable of the CVCVC words were re
Page 49 and 50: faithfully. The participants saw an
Page 51 and 52: (32) Differences between high and n
Page 53 and 54: to alternating responses than the b
Page 55 and 56: contrasted with general-purpose sta
Page 57 and 58: RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
Page 59 and 60: RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
Page 61 and 62: To replicate the effect that place
Page 63 and 64: (45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
Page 65 and 66: generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70: To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72: with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74: vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76: (60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78: Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79: The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 83 and 84: (67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86: Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90: -ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92: (71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94: The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
Page 95 and 96: will stay agnostic about the status
Page 97 and 98: a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99 and 100: ∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102: (83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104: experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105 and 106: The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 107 and 108: (86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
Page 109 and 110: stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112: (96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
Page 113 and 114: frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116: (100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117 and 118: 3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 119 and 120: The problem here is that a single l
Page 121 and 122: As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124: Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126: that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128: (114) “surface” language “dee
Page 129 and 130: garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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for the combined stem vowel change
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the ability to observe any vowel ef
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(128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
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3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
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3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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that is indifferent to the vowel of
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changes could apply in two differen
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The experimental results cannot be
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ode) to form the past tense of nove
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output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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