Dissertation - Michael Becker

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The decomposition of winners into their immediate constituents gives the learner accessto lexical information about stems, affixes, and the constraint conflicts that they involve.This allows the learner to project their grammar onto combinations of stems and affixesthat they haven’t seen before, such as a known stem and a known affix that were previouslyonly observed separately, or a novel stem with a known affix, etc.4.3.4 Applying a grammar with cloned constraintsThe grammar in (168) below is repeated from (166), with the addition of the dativeform of anaÙ. It allows *VÙV to rank either above or below IDENT(voice). In any givenderivation that uses (168), only one ranking is chosen, so the grammar is categorical for anygiven derivation. The choice of ranking, however, depends on the input to the derivationand how well it matches the items listed in the grammar, so the choice of ranking can beprobabilistic in some cases and categorical in others. 6(168) *VÙV 〈amaÙ,POSS,IDENT(voice)〉〈amaÙ,ACC,IDENT(voice)〉〈avuÙ,POSS,IDENT(voice)〉≫ IDENT(voice) ≫ *VÙV 〈anaÙ,POSS,IDENT(voice)〉〈anaÙ,ACC,IDENT(voice)〉〈anaÙ,DAT,IDENT(voice)〉〈avuÙ,ACC,IDENT(voice)〉Given the grammar in (168), the ranking between *VÙV and IDENT(voice) in any singlederivation depends on how well the input to the derivation matches the domains of theclones of *VÙV. If the matching is complete, the choice of ranking is categorical. If thematching is partial, the choice is potentially stochastic.If the speaker wishes to reuse a form that they have heard before, such as the possessiveform of amaÙ, they will find an exact match for it in the high-ranking clone of *VÙV. Usingthe grammar *VÙV ≫ IDENT(voice), the outcome can only be amaÃ-1. In this case, then,the choice of ranking is categorical.Given a novel Ù -final root, however, and asked to derive its possessive form, there isno single listing in the grammar that matches the outcome perfectly. There are, however,6 For a comparison with other probabilistic approaches in OT, see §4.3.7.175
three listed possessive forms. Since two of the listed possessives are in the high-rankingclone, and one is in the low-ranking clone, the speaker is twice as likely to derive the novelroot using the high-ranking clone, i.e. the effect of the grammar in (168) is stochastic whenderiving a possessive form of a novel root. Deriving the dative form of the same novel rootwould be categorical, with a single listing of a dative on the low-ranking clone.The effect of the grammar in (168) is not necessarily categorical with a new combinationof known morphemes. If the speaker wished to derive the dative form of anaÙ, theywill find two matches for the root anaÙ in the low-ranking clone of *VÙV, and one matchfor the dative in the same low-ranking clone. So the dative form of anaÙ is guaranteed to bederived using the low-ranking clone. The dative form of amaÙ, however, presents a conflict:There are two listings for the root amaÙ with the high-ranking clone, and one listing for thedative with the low-ranking clone. The speaker will have to weigh both factors in makingtheir decision. It is not necessarily the case that roots and affixes have the same weight indetermining the outcome of the grammar, since for any given combination of root and affix,it is likely that there will be many more listings for the affix than for the root, but it is notclear that in real languages, the affix generally prevails in such cases. The current proposallimits itself to pointing out that a grammar like the one in (168) can potentially generate astochastic outcome given a new combination of two known morphemes.A separate question about the application of a grammar with cloned constraints has todo with the scope of the clone over a phonological form that has multiple morphemes in it.The final voiceless stop of the root avuÙ, for instance, becomes voiced in the possessive, butit surfaces faithfully in the accusative (164, 168). This root can combine with both affixes tomake the form avuÃ-u-nu ‘fist.POSS.ACC’, 7 with the possessive followed by the accusative7 The morphological affiliation of the n that appears between the affixes is unclear. An n appears inTurkish whenever a third person possessive suffix is followed by a case suffix. Since this n also appearsbefore consonant-initial case suffixes, it is not there to repair a hiatus.176
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
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contrasted with general-purpose sta
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RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
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RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
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To replicate the effect that place
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(45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
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generally don’t alternate, regard
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(51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
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To summarize, the analysis of the s
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with clones of the specific IDENT(v
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vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
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(60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
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Since the deleting dorsals and the
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The MGL works by reading in pairs o
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(66) The difference in rates of alt
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(67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
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Speakers chose voicing alternations
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CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
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-ot with nouns that have [o] in the
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(71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
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The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
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will stay agnostic about the status
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a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
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∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
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(83) Nonce words and the percent of
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experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
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The licensing effect emerges when s
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(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM
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stress stays on the root 11 , so an
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(96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
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frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
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(100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
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3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
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The problem here is that a single l
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As the speaker learns the rest of t
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Under this view, three kinds of Heb
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that distinguishes local licensing
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(114) “surface” language “dee
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garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
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(118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
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3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
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in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
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Page 141 and 142: (128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144: 3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
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Page 149 and 150: changes could apply in two differen
Page 151 and 152: The experimental results cannot be
Page 153 and 154: ode) to form the past tense of nove
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Page 165 and 166: While this grammar will correctly d
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Page 169 and 170: (150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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Page 173 and 174: (155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
Page 175 and 176: introduced, the clone, are discusse
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Page 179 and 180: (161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
Page 181 and 182: The cloning subroutine in described
Page 183 and 184: ability to learn a morphological ca
Page 185 and 186: (165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
Page 187: c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
Page 191 and 192: A fully general mechanism for findi
Page 193 and 194: cloning. Subjecting the Support in
Page 195 and 196: Adding the feature that causes an u
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Page 199 and 200: and the learner’s form are differ
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Page 205 and 206: My approach is in keeping with a ce
Page 207 and 208: In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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Page 213 and 214: that the vowel of the accusative su
Page 215 and 216: (195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
Page 217 and 218: To summarize, the Korean case shows
Page 219 and 220: In the approach that attributes hid
Page 221 and 222: Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
Page 223 and 224: following a (non-high) long vowel o
Page 225 and 226: (200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
Page 227 and 228: d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
Page 229 and 230: [-Er] only appears when it’s insi
Page 231 and 232: It might be worth noting that the d
Page 233 and 234: CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
Page 235 and 236: stem or only in the plural stem for
Page 237 and 238: 5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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