Dissertation - Michael Becker

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As discussed in §3.2 above, it is not clear which vowels may intervene when –ot isselected non-locally. The current study is not particularly committed to this question, andthe analysis will go through with just minor modifications if the set of intervening vowelsturns out to include just [a] or a larger set.Among nouns that have [o] in their roots, only those that surface stressless in the plural,i.e. native nouns, could benefit from taking –ot in the plural. Loanwords, i.e. nouns thatkeep their stress on the root, would not benefit from taking –ot, since there is no [o] thatneeds licensing, and indeed loanwords do not allow exceptional ot-taking.In terms of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), taking –im or –ot can be fruitfully understood as responding to the satisfaction of different markednessconstraints.The requirement for the masculine –im on masculine nouns is enforced by a morphologicalconstraint, φ-MATCH, which demands gender features to match in poly-morphemicwords. For an im-taker like alón (85), φ-MATCH outranks the constraint LOCAL(o), whichrequires local licensing of [o]:(85)alon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM } φ-MATCH LOCAL(o)a. ☞ alon-ím *b. alon-ót *!Conversely, an ot-taker like xalón requires a high-ranking LOCAL(o):93
(86)xalon MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM } LOCAL(o) φ-MATCHa. xalon-ím *!b. ☞ xalon-ót *The constraints that enforce [o]-licensing are defined below (87-88). The constraintsare modeled after Hayes & Londe (2006), who find a similar case of exceptional action at adistance in Hungarian vowel harmony. See §3.4.4 below for a discussion of other possibledefinitions of the constraints.(87) LOCAL(o)An [o] must be licensed by virtue of being stressed, or by virtue of being autosegmentallyassociated to a stressed [o] in an adjacent syllable.(88) DISTAL(o)An [o] must be licensed by virtue of being stressed, or by virtue of being autosegmentallyassociated to some stressed [o].When the root [o] is farther away from the stressed syllable, LOCAL(o) is not satisfiedwith either plural affix, but DISTAL(o) prefers that the [o] be licensed across the interveningvowel. In (89), DISTAL(o) outranks φ-MATCH, and LOCAL(o) is unranked with respect toeither of the other two constraints.(89)olam MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM } DISTAL(o) LOCAL(o) φ-MATCHa. olam-ím *! *b. ☞ olam-ót * *94
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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PHONOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE LEXICON:
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWorking on this diss
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For saving my life, I thank Dr. Deb
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of voicing alternations in the lexi
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2.4.3 The size effect . . . . . . .
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4.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .
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are several reasons for thinking ab
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etween conflicting grammars, which
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(2)/sprEd + d/ *DD DEP MAXa. ☞ sp
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(4)/gaId + d/ *DD MAX DEPa. ☞ gaI
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At this point, the ranking algorith
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pattern is. Speakers use their gram
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once two segments are merged into o
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Similarly for the Ù -final nouns,
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the singular or only in the plural.
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of the final stop, but they do not
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IDENT(voice) σ1 . The existence of
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Of the 3002 nouns in TELL whose bar
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(22) Height of stem-final vowel n %
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A closer examination of vowel round
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While high has a larger R 2 than si
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ackness of final stem vowels are al
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syllable of the CVCVC words were re
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faithfully. The participants saw an
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(32) Differences between high and n
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to alternating responses than the b
Page 55 and 56: contrasted with general-purpose sta
Page 57 and 58: RCD takes winner-loser pairs such a
Page 59 and 60: RCD. Pater (2006, 2008b) proposes a
Page 61 and 62: To replicate the effect that place
Page 63 and 64: (45)ID(voice) *VtV *VÙV amaÙ *VÙ
Page 65 and 66: generally don’t alternate, regard
Page 67 and 68: (51)IDENT IDENT σ1saÙ IDENT σ1ta
Page 69 and 70: To summarize, the analysis of the s
Page 71 and 72: with clones of the specific IDENT(v
Page 73 and 74: vowel, namely *RpV, *RtV, *RÙV, an
Page 75 and 76: (60) bare stem possessivea. ok ok-u
Page 77 and 78: Since the deleting dorsals and the
Page 79 and 80: The MGL works by reading in pairs o
Page 81 and 82: (66) The difference in rates of alt
Page 83 and 84: (67) a. The UR’s of [at] and [tat
Page 85 and 86: Speakers chose voicing alternations
Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER 3SURFACE-BASED LEXICAL TREN
Page 89 and 90: -ot with nouns that have [o] in the
Page 91 and 92: (71) a. Natural gender: Whenever a
Page 93 and 94: The data in (75) shows that ot-taki
Page 95 and 96: will stay agnostic about the status
Page 97 and 98: a-a a-o i-o o-axaSáS (-ót) makór
Page 99 and 100: ∼ morad-ót ‘slope’, gág ∼
Page 101 and 102: (83) Nonce words and the percent of
Page 103 and 104: experiment 1 of Berent et al. 1999,
Page 105: The licensing effect emerges when s
Page 109 and 110: stress stays on the root 11 , so an
Page 111 and 112: (96)Sem MASC + {im MASC , ot FEM }
Page 113 and 114: frequency of ot-taking in the lexic
Page 115 and 116: (100) LOCAL(o) xalon ≫ φ-MATCH
Page 117 and 118: 3.4.3 Learning specific patterns fi
Page 119 and 120: The problem here is that a single l
Page 121 and 122: As the speaker learns the rest of t
Page 123 and 124: Under this view, three kinds of Heb
Page 125 and 126: that distinguishes local licensing
Page 127 and 128: (114) “surface” language “dee
Page 129 and 130: garlic, carrots, loquats, zucchinis
Page 131 and 132: (118) Here’s one MASC on the righ
Page 133 and 134: 3.5.4 Transcription and encodingFor
Page 135 and 136: in §3.5.5.2, (c) Speakers were bia
Page 137 and 138: for the combined stem vowel change
Page 139 and 140: the ability to observe any vowel ef
Page 141 and 142: (128)memorization score0 5 10 15 20
Page 143 and 144: 3.5.5.4 Errors and vowel perception
Page 145 and 146: 3.6.1 The role of Universal Grammar
Page 147 and 148: that is indifferent to the vowel of
Page 149 and 150: changes could apply in two differen
Page 151 and 152: The experimental results cannot be
Page 153 and 154: ode) to form the past tense of nove
Page 155 and 156: output is not present due to faithf
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[o] often choose -ot, or one can sa
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trends in the lexicon and allows th
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pair from the Support, but leaving
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simple minimal conflict, which can
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While this grammar will correctly d
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(139) or (141), the choice of const
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(150)C1 C2 C3a. winner1 ≻ loser1
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that the likelihood of ot-taking in
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(155)C1 C2 C3 C4a. winner1 ≻ lose
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introduced, the clone, are discusse
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*VÙV and ONSET below IDENT(voice)
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(161)*VÙV 〈taÙ,IDENTσ1 〉 IDE
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The cloning subroutine in described
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ability to learn a morphological ca
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(165)*VÙVIDENT(voice)a. anaÙ-1 PO
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c. Make ∅ the domain of C W and C
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three listed possessive forms. Sinc
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A fully general mechanism for findi
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cloning. Subjecting the Support in
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Adding the feature that causes an u
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one tested. Each hypothesis in turn
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and the learner’s form are differ
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irrelevant for the derivation of y1
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from its distribution, and if two c
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My approach is in keeping with a ce
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In the UR-based analysis, the gramm
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of phonological primitives that con
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preference for frequent mappings wi
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that the vowel of the accusative su
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(195) IDENT(cont) IDENT(voice) IDEN
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To summarize, the Korean case shows
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In the approach that attributes hid
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Both ways of dealing with [sOt] - c
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following a (non-high) long vowel o
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(200) Affixation neutralizes a cont
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d/ → gaIdId), while some verbs re
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[-Er] only appears when it’s insi
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It might be worth noting that the d
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CHAPTER 5CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIR
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stem or only in the plural stem for
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5.2.2 The search for underlying rep
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fact, unbounded at the phrasal leve
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAharoni, Moti (2007). D
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Boersma, Paul (2001). Phonology-sem
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Inkelas, Sharon & Cemil Orhan Orgun
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Merchant, Nazarré (2008). Discover
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Tesar, Bruce (1998). Using the mutu
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Dissertation - Michael Becker

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