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170 <strong>AEMI</strong> JOURNAL 2015 2016<br />

in poor conditions in his or her home<br />

Member state, has obviously less needs<br />

than a French or German citizen. The<br />

fact that he or she is living under what is<br />

considered by the host Member state as<br />

self-sufficient does not mean that his or<br />

her needs are not fulfilled 33 . Should not<br />

the self-sufficiency criterion be based on<br />

the capacity of the mobile Union citizen<br />

to fulfill his or her needs without relying<br />

unreasonably to the host social assistance<br />

system rather than on national<br />

references based on the richness of the<br />

host country?<br />

Freedom of movement of persons in<br />

the EU is also facing a growing phenomenon<br />

as a consequence of the economic<br />

crisis: the rise of the number of<br />

one particular category of economically<br />

inactive Union citizens, non-self-sufficient<br />

Union citizens, not capable of fulfilling<br />

their own needs, such as beggars<br />

and homeless people. These persons are<br />

not benefiting from a right of residence<br />

for stays in excess of three months according<br />

to Directive 20034/38/EC. National<br />

approaches towards such category<br />

of economically inactive Union citizens<br />

vary from one State to another ranging<br />

from passive tolerance to expulsion on<br />

the ground of threat to public policy or<br />

of unreasonable burden on the social<br />

assistance system of the host Member<br />

state.<br />

The present time is not favorable for<br />

freedom of movement of economically<br />

inactive Union citizens. The recent refugee<br />

crisis is currently pulling the attention<br />

of politicians, European and national<br />

institutions and the general public away<br />

from economically inactive Union citizens.<br />

Nevertheless, we should not forget<br />

that in 2013, the Federal Minister of the<br />

Interior of Austria, the Federal Minister<br />

of the Interior of Germany, the Minister<br />

for Immigration of the Netherlands and<br />

the Secretary of State for the Home Department<br />

of United Kingdom wrote a<br />

common letter to Commissioners Reding,<br />

Malmstrom and Andor denouncing<br />

the fraudulent and abusing use of freedom<br />

of movement by Union citizens.<br />

The reasons argued by these states were<br />

the considerable strain put upon their<br />

vital local services, their social assistance<br />

system and their national citizens. They<br />

were requiring from the Commission<br />

legal and financial measures allowing<br />

more effective sanctions, such as a ban<br />

on re-entry after an expulsion order.<br />

The European Commission answered<br />

these claims by stating that, according<br />

to figures communicated by Member<br />

States and a study published in October<br />

2013 by the European Commission, in<br />

most EU countries 34 EU citizens from<br />

other Member States use welfare benefits<br />

no more intensively than the host<br />

country‘s nationals 35 . Moreover, as Paul<br />

Minderhoud recalls, access to social assistance<br />

remains, in most Member States,<br />

far from being unconditional 36 and<br />

so just accessible to a few. Some more<br />

recent events surrounding the Brexit,<br />

such as the requirements of the United<br />

Kingdom to condition the freedom of<br />

movement of mobile workers, is much<br />

more worrisome. Such a step would destroy<br />

the fundamental right of freedom<br />

of movement of Union citizens that has<br />

existed since the foundation of the EEC<br />

for mobile workers. It is a very dangerous<br />

step that is questioning the existence<br />

of the European Union and its<br />

first version, the European Economic<br />

Community, putting into doubt the vi-

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