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ELISA GOSSO<br />

to idealize the Valleys as a point of reference<br />

for all the Waldensians (through<br />

the creation of museums as well as of<br />

celebrations and, not least, of Waldensian<br />

historic sites, with the consequent<br />

transformation of the landscape into<br />

cultural heritage).<br />

The aim of these introductory remarks<br />

about the cultural definition of<br />

the Waldensian Valleys is to convey the<br />

importance that the Church has always<br />

assigned to cohesion and to the maintenance<br />

of a certain identity for the<br />

Waldensian community. They also allow<br />

us to fathom the constant attempt to<br />

manage migration and prevent chaotic<br />

diaspora. This is also the reason why the<br />

study of the wide variety of forms taken<br />

by Waldensian migrations and colonies<br />

provides a useful and in many ways<br />

unique testing ground to assess some of<br />

the tenets of transnationalism.<br />

Homeland, nostalgia and return<br />

visits<br />

From the Middle Ages to the twentieth<br />

century the Waldensian waves of migration<br />

from the Valleys were mainly due<br />

to socioeconomic causes. The only case<br />

of forced migration because of religious<br />

persecutions was the one of the German<br />

diaspora.<br />

Based on comparative studies of diaspora<br />

histories, many social scientists<br />

have attempted to define the notion<br />

of ‘diaspora’. The conceptualization<br />

proposed by Robin Cohen is helpful<br />

to understand and define the Waldensian<br />

case. Cohen (2008) identifies some<br />

common features of a diaspora that refer<br />

to the displacement from a homeland<br />

and the creation of a collective memory<br />

and a myth about this homeland, the<br />

201<br />

frequent development of a return movement<br />

(not only a definitive return, but<br />

also periodical visits to the homeland),<br />

a strong ethnic group consciousness, a<br />

sense of empathy with co-ethnic members<br />

in other countries and a feeling of<br />

tolerance for pluralism in the host country.<br />

All these features are to be found in<br />

the case of the German Waldensian diaspora<br />

and refer to other key concepts I<br />

will use to analyze the case of German<br />

Waldensian transnationalism.<br />

First of all, the concept of ‘homeland’.<br />

The Waldensians who migrated to Germany<br />

in the late seventeenth century<br />

(de Lange et al., 1999) came all from<br />

a specific place in the Valleys: from the<br />

so-called high Chisone Valley and from<br />

a portion of the low Chisone Valley,<br />

which at that time were both under<br />

French rule, while the other Waldensian<br />

communities in the rest of the Chisone<br />

Valley and in the Germanasca and Pellice<br />

Valleys were subjects of the Duchy<br />

of Savoy.<br />

In 1685 king Louis XIV of France revoked<br />

the Edict of Nantes, which nearly<br />

one hundred years before had conceded<br />

religious and civil freedom to the French<br />

Protestants. The French Waldensians of<br />

the Chisone Valley had to choose between<br />

conversion to Catholicism or<br />

exile. Some of them converted, but the<br />

majority decided to migrate elsewhere.<br />

They joined the stream of migration of<br />

the French Huguenots from their lands<br />

to countries of Protestant tradition, such<br />

as Switzerland and Germany. Waldensians<br />

settled in some areas of south-western<br />

Germany, in Baden-Württemberg<br />

and Hessen. The local lords eager to increase<br />

their population in order to make

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