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STATE OF THE WORLD'S CITIES 2012/2013 Prosperity

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uilding codes to support urban reforms, not to mention<br />

squatter regulation and slum upgrading. On top of that,<br />

cities today must provide accommodative measures, allowing<br />

for progressive construction, smaller plot sizes and multiple<br />

variants of land tenure. Similarly, utility standards must be<br />

adjusted, and new development financing channels devised,<br />

in the face of inequity and exclusion.<br />

INSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATION<br />

Some of the real-life experiences outlined in this chapter<br />

suggest that when it comes to structuring the urban power<br />

functions that form the hub of the ‘prosperity wheel’, it<br />

is for every city to make its own choices. Indeed, many<br />

choices have already been made; but common to all is the<br />

adaptation and consolidation of key institutions which<br />

harness the energy and engagement of all stakeholders in<br />

a city. Major stakeholders, such as business, professionals,<br />

civic organisations, besides neighbourhood associations,<br />

must be provided with an institutional avenue for effective<br />

engagement with urban prosperity – how it is generated<br />

and how it is shared. Such engagement transcends the<br />

traditional participatory practices of forums and consultative<br />

Box 3.2.4<br />

Law, institutions and the public interest<br />

Urban space is shaped by laws, rules and institutions (or lack<br />

thereof) in response to the needs and requirements of varying<br />

numbers of stakeholders. In this sense, the prosperity of a city<br />

is also a legal and institutional construct, and the past has some<br />

lessons for early 21st century central and municipal governments.<br />

Major legal systems around the world have long recognised that<br />

far from being just an abstract norm, law and institutions have the<br />

capacity to shape up a variety of interests across ethnic, cultural<br />

and other divides. They do so within the spatial confines of their<br />

jurisdictions, and with a long-term view. 61<br />

This is the background against which the state has historically<br />

emerged as the apex body of an interdependent network of<br />

powerful repositories of different kinds of power – legal, religious,<br />

bureaucratic, economic, etc. 62 In this role, the state has gradually<br />

built a monopoly over universality. This went hand in hand with the<br />

constitution of bureaucratic functions independent of particular<br />

interests – family, religion, the economy – with agents that were<br />

mandated to embody the public interest. Along with this came the<br />

constitution of a new, “public” kind of resources that embodied<br />

universality, or at any rate a degree of universality that was superior<br />

to that of previously existing resources. This public realm gradually<br />

stood out against particular interests, and also against private<br />

appropriation of public functions through patronage or nepotism.<br />

Innovating to Support the Transition to the City of the 21st Century<br />

119<br />

FACT<br />

POLICy<br />

As some cities have found out, shared prosperity involves<br />

a serious review of regulatory frameworks.<br />

As some cities have come to realise, shared and<br />

integrated prosperity is a socio-political project,<br />

involving a commitment by all stakeholders and entailing a<br />

re-examination of laws, regulations, and the corresponding<br />

institutional framework.<br />

mechanisms; it turns socioeconomic conditions into levers<br />

of enhanced prosperity, with every household and business<br />

considered as an asset to be safeguarded, optimized and<br />

promoted – empowered – for the benefit of all<br />

An exemplary case of institutional innovation for shared<br />

prosperity is that of Medellín. During the past decade,<br />

the Colombian city’s prosperity has experienced major<br />

turnaround, as it endeavoured to overcome the combined<br />

challenges of poverty, inequality, exclusion and informality,<br />

besides rampant violence, through a whole new social<br />

As the state evolved into “the geometric focal point of all<br />

perspectives” and a principle of public order, it established a<br />

unified space – imposing spatial over social, genealogical or other<br />

types of proximity. In the process, public authority has gained<br />

more recognition from the various segments of society, which<br />

further consolidates both its privileged position and its efficiency.<br />

As a result, the notion of “public interest” can pave the way for<br />

consensus and mobilization; at any rate, it sheds light on reality<br />

and becomes a shared evaluation criterion.<br />

Historically, in China as in Europe, the city has served as the<br />

privileged locus of the emergence of the state and the public<br />

interest as we know them today. In 11th century Western<br />

Europe 63 , it fell to municipal authorities to control violence as<br />

well as economic and political relations. Although the poor were<br />

effectively left out of some functions, they were equal members<br />

of the assemblies in charge of endorsing municipal officials and<br />

laws (including those on economic activities). Moreover, purchase,<br />

sale and mortgaging of land and buildings were open to all. At the<br />

time, the protections and safeguards provided by cities also aimed<br />

at preserving their prosperity from heavy-handed monarchs or<br />

emperors.

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