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Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

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of the web. Gibson et al. (2003b, 102) noted that smaller parties appear to primarily use<br />

the medium for raising awareness <strong>and</strong> organization building <strong>and</strong> tend to have a quite<br />

positive view of the medium as compared to traditional media (cf. Margolis et al. 2003,<br />

58). The ‘net gain’ might be more unclear for major parties, (cf. Sadow & James 1999, 5)<br />

<strong>and</strong> the verdict on the web less enthusiastic.<br />

Party supporters <strong>and</strong> voters<br />

The composition of the electorate is one of the main bases of a party’s strategic planning<br />

(Sjöblom 1968, 208). <strong>Parties</strong> usually divide voters according to two dimensions; whether<br />

the voter is positive, uncertain or negative towards the party <strong>and</strong> whether the voter is<br />

certain or uncertain to vote (Sjöblom 1968, 236; cf. Maarek 1995). Over time, the group<br />

of uncertain voters, both in terms of party preferences <strong>and</strong> voting propensity, has<br />

widened at the expense of the reliable voters. <strong>Parties</strong> now seek votes from many different<br />

social segments <strong>and</strong> not solely from one ‘reliable’ segment (Kirchheimer 1966; Swanson<br />

& Mancini 1996). Maarek (1995, 39) has identified two types of party communication<br />

depending on the intended audience; maintenance <strong>and</strong> conquest communications. A party<br />

seeks to maintain its supporters, both loyal <strong>and</strong> uncertain, <strong>and</strong> to gain new voters from<br />

the uncertain voter segments <strong>and</strong> the uncertain voters of other parties (cf. Rohrschneider<br />

2002). Sjöblom (1968, 208) calls these voter groups the “intended influence objects”<br />

towards whom parties focus their communication.<br />

Pertaining to party internet strategies <strong>and</strong> activity, the composition of a party’s<br />

supporters <strong>and</strong> potential voters can also be perceived as influencing if <strong>and</strong> how a party<br />

campaigns on-line (cf. Herrnson & Stokes 2003; Ward et al. 2005, 11). The concept of the<br />

‘digital divide’ has been used to describe the uneven access to <strong>and</strong> usage of the internet by<br />

citizens (Norris 2001b). The public’s internet usage tends to follow certain demographical<br />

patterns; white, young, highly educated, white-collar males use the internet at a higher rate<br />

than other citizens (Norris 2001b; 2002). A party whose “intended influence objects” do<br />

not belong to these ‘wired’ segments of the public, for instance a pensioners’ party (cf.<br />

Gibson et al. 2003b, 102), has few incentives for moving on-line in catching uncertain<br />

voters. It seems likely that such a party puts little planning <strong>and</strong> effort into a party website<br />

(Nixon et al. 2003, 241). Other parties, such as the Greens (Ward et al. 2005, 6), have<br />

their target audience amongst those social groups who use the internet most frequently<br />

<strong>and</strong> have strong incentives for making the most of their website. Of course, it is also<br />

necessary to realize that party websites may be used for maintenance communication as<br />

well; one of the potentially important functions of a party website would therefore also be<br />

to strengthen the internal organization (Gibson et al. 2003b, 87; Römmele 2003, 9). A<br />

party lacking a primary on-line audience in terms of potential voters may still put planning<br />

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