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Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

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elements of interest pluralism (cf. Bimber 1999) <strong>and</strong> opportunities for alternative voices<br />

to be heard.<br />

Electoral competition on the c<strong>and</strong>idate level<br />

How could electoral competition be looked at on the c<strong>and</strong>idate level? What c<strong>and</strong>idate<br />

related circumstances could be relevant to c<strong>and</strong>idate-level electoral competition on the<br />

internet? In the following section, theoretical considerations concerning c<strong>and</strong>idate-level<br />

electoral competition on the internet will be made in order to further develop a<br />

conceptual framework for the study.<br />

The picture concerning electoral competition is somewhat more unclear on the<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate level as compared to the party level. In single-member district, First Past the<br />

Post, or similar plurality-majority election systems, the size of a c<strong>and</strong>idate’s party should<br />

be highly influential in determining whether <strong>and</strong> how strongly a c<strong>and</strong>idate campaigns, also<br />

on-line. Since only two parties usually have a realistic chance at winning the election (cf.<br />

Lijphart 1994: 20), the c<strong>and</strong>idates of the minor <strong>and</strong> fringe parties will not put much effort<br />

or money into developing websites. Several studies conducted on election campaigns in<br />

single-member districts, i.e. plurality-majority election contexts, have to some extent<br />

examined the effects of party size on the c<strong>and</strong>idate level from this inter-party perspective<br />

(e.g. Davis 1999; Greer & LaPointe 2003; Herrnson & Stokes 2003; Kamarck 1999; 2002;<br />

Margolis et al. 2003; Sadow & James 1999). The results of these studies point in both<br />

directions vis-à-vis the patterns of electoral competition; some have noticed that minor<br />

party c<strong>and</strong>idates tend to use the web at a somewhat higher rate than major party<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idates (cf. Herrnson & Stokes 2003; Sadow & James 1999). Other findings point in<br />

the opposite direction (cf. Gibson & MacAllister 2003; Greer & LaPointe 2003; Kamarck<br />

2002). In most studies conducted, however, major party c<strong>and</strong>idates outperform their<br />

rivals in terms of website sophistication (cf. Davis 1999; Greer & LaPointe 2003; Margolis<br />

et al 1997; Margolis & Resnick 2000: 53-74). The latter results possibly indicate that there<br />

is a need for full time staff in order to produce <strong>and</strong> manage a stylish website (Margolis &<br />

Resnick 2000: 16). Some exceptions to this overall pattern have however been noticed in<br />

Green parties <strong>and</strong>, in some cases, Liberal parties who are keeping equal pace in terms of<br />

website sophistication, suggesting party ideological ethos might have an influence on web<br />

campaigning (Gibson & McAllister 2003; Gibson & Römmele 2003).<br />

What about other election systems? Is it also plausible to a priori assume that all<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idates of, for instance, a major party are competing on equal footing in a system<br />

where each party nominates several c<strong>and</strong>idates in each district? In Finl<strong>and</strong>, mainly due to<br />

the mechanics of the d’Hondt formula (Taagapera & Shugart 1989: 31-2), many<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idates nominated by each party act as supplementary c<strong>and</strong>idates in order to add votes<br />

119

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