Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

(Coleman and Goetze, 2001: 16; Norris, 2001b). Likewise, in European countries, a
similar divide is evident. Thus, Southern European countries have a significantly lower
internet penetration rate than the Scandinavian and other Northern European countries
(Norris, 2000). Therefore, only the citizens in certain countries, including Finland, have
thus far had the necessary resources to facilitate political activity on-line.
Nationally, a socioeconomic divide in the distribution of internet resources is also
evident. Frequent internet users generally display similar demographic traits. Hence, the
typical political internet user is a young, highly educated male with relatively high income
(Gibson et al., 2002; Norris, 2001b). The extent of women’s internet usage is on a slight
rise and, in the long run, the previously noted gender divide might erode (Gibson and
Ward 1999; Gibson et al. 2002). Nonetheless, according to Bimber (1999: 411-412), these
demographic characteristics resemble those of citizens already engaged in off-line politics.
All in all, then, the technological resources are unevenly distributed both between and
within nations. There exists a resource-based reinforcement (c.f. Strandberg, 2003: 21-24).
There is a divide between those with access to on-line political information and those
without this access.
Secondly, assuming that the technological resources were evenly divided,
proponents of the reinforcement scenario argue that on-line politics would still only
attract those already politically interested (Gibson and Ward, 1999: 33; Hill and Hughes,
1998: 185-186; Norris, 1999a: 9-10; 1999b; 2001b). Thus, this version of the
reinforcement theory states that internet usage will neither improve nor diminish the
existing political participation (e.g. Norris, 2001b: 98). Djupsund and Carlson mention
that the internet differs from traditional mass media on one significant aspect: the internet
requires that the user actively seeks the information he or she wants while, for example,
television exposes the passive viewer to the political messages (Djupsund and Carlson,
2003: 41). Likewise, Hill and Hughes (1998: 186) state the following concerning the
internet: “People can tune into any ‘channel’ they desire, and choose their level of
interactivity”. Norris (2001b: 219-228) mentions that, in such a situation, the citizens’
previous knowledge, trust and interest for politics guide their choices between the
numerous outlets on the internet. This version of the reinforcement theory could be
called the motivation-based reinforcement theory (c.f. Strandberg, 2003: 25-25). Davis
excellently summarizes the core of this argument:
“However, the mere existence of communication technology does not
transform people into political animals. Similarly, the internet does not cause
people to suddenly become politically active or even interested. Rather
political behavior will remain essentially the same regardless of technological
innovations designed to disseminate more political information.” (Davis, 1999:
8)
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