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Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

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Introduction<br />

“A seeming beneficiary of internet-based campaigning would be the resourcepoor<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate. Since, theoretically, access to all c<strong>and</strong>idates’ sites by the user is<br />

on an equal footing, <strong>and</strong> the cost for posting a home page is minimal, the<br />

internet would appear to have the potential of serving as an equalizing<br />

medium for all c<strong>and</strong>idates, both major <strong>and</strong> minor parties, both well known <strong>and</strong><br />

obscure” (Davis 1999: 89)<br />

Political communication experienced significant changes during the 20th century. Two<br />

noticeable changes for political parties <strong>and</strong> c<strong>and</strong>idates were the decline in voter<br />

partisanship (Dalton 2000) accompanied by increasing dependence on the media when<br />

communicating campaign messages to the public (Blumler & Gurevitch 1995). The<br />

traditional ties between voter <strong>and</strong> party have significantly eroded (Dalton 2000; Swanson<br />

& Mancini 1996b: 7-12). As a result, instead of simply mobilizing partisan voters, political<br />

parties <strong>and</strong> c<strong>and</strong>idates are required to ‘catch’ all segments of voters in order to secure<br />

electoral success (cf. Wattenberg 2000). The most efficient way to communicate a<br />

campaign message to the masses is through media, therefore resulting in a ‘key’ role for<br />

mass media in modern political communication (Swanson & Mancini 1996a: 251).<br />

In the modern media system (see Norris 2001a: 147-9) political actors find<br />

themselves in the h<strong>and</strong>s of reporters <strong>and</strong> editors who serve as filters between them <strong>and</strong><br />

the public (Blumler & Gurevitch 1995: 3). This editorial process usually follows<br />

commercialized media logic (Altheide & Snow 1991). This trend has been especially<br />

troublesome for certain political actors. Fringe parties <strong>and</strong> c<strong>and</strong>idates often fail to break<br />

the news threshold (Margolis et al. 2003) <strong>and</strong> lack financial resources to attain public<br />

awareness through other channels, for instance via paid TV-advertisements (Carlson<br />

2000: 19). It comes as no surprise, then, that the advent of the internet was looked upon<br />

with great enthusiasm by most political actors (Bimber & Davis 2003: 20). The internet is<br />

cheap, interactive, enables fast <strong>and</strong> large quantities of information <strong>and</strong> multimedia<br />

dissemination <strong>and</strong> provides political actors with a direct communication channel to the<br />

electorate (Bimber & Davis 2003). Consequently, as compared to traditional media,<br />

communicating via the internet could help the smaller parties to stay in stride with the<br />

major parties in the electoral arena (see discussion in Margolis et al. 2003: 58; Norris 2003:<br />

25). The major parties’ advantage in traditional media coverage <strong>and</strong> campaign budgets<br />

could, however, eventually give them the upper h<strong>and</strong> on the internet (cf. Margolis &<br />

Resnick 2000: 72-4).<br />

116

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