Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

Some further comments regarding the motivation-based reinforcement argument
merit attention. First and foremost, as Djupsund and Carlson (2003, 41) observe, the
internet differs from traditional mass media on one essential point: it requires activity
rather than passivity from the user. Whereas television exposes the passive viewer to
political content, the internet user must actively seek out the information he or she desires
from a plethora of choices (cf. Hill & Hughes 1998, 183). This leads to the core argument
of the motivation-based reinforcement theory: “There are a million places to go and sites
to see on the Internet. Unless they stumble across political contents accidentally […]
those who choose to visit political sites will probably have far higher than average civic
interest” (Norris 2001b, 221). The internet would merely constitute an alternative channel
for the politically motivated, active and engaged to do what they have always done (cf.
Hill & Hughes 1998, 44; Norris 1999, 89). There is little reason to expect the internet to
cause previously uninterested citizens to suddenly become “political animals” (Davis
1999, 8). Even if the technological resources may become evenly distributed both globally
and socio-economically in the future, it would not change the preferences of the people
using them.
Several scholars have presented findings which underline the importance of
motivation in determining citizens’ use of the internet. Largely similar socio-economic
patterns to those found concerning traditional political activity and interest have been
noted for political internet users (Lusoli 2005a, 262; Norris 1999, 87). Norris (2003, 39)
found that political internet users were both more active users of traditional news sources
as well as more involved and interested in traditional politics: “party websites tended to
attract those who were already among the most aware of public affairs, as well as those
with higher socio-economic status” (cf. Norris 2001b, 231). Hill and Hughes (1998, 183)
stress that political use of the internet is an act of self-selection: “people go on-line to find
out more information about a subject, not to be transformed”. Stromer-Galley and
colleagues (Stromer-Galley et al. 2001, 24) note that only a fraction of citizens seek out
political information on the internet, and that an even smaller fraction is involved in more
engaging forms of on-line political activity, such as taking part in political discussions (cf.
Cornfield & Rainie 2003, 20; Norris 1999, 81-82; 2001b, 223; 2003, 36). Scheufele and
Nisbet (2002, 69), in comparing the impact on political efficacy, knowledge and
participation of both traditional and web-based communication, strongly question if the
internet will have any decisive role in promoting a politically active and informed
citizenry. Rather, they conclude that traditional newspapers appear to have the greatest
impact.
In sum, a scholarly diversity is evident concerning citizens’ political activity on-line.
In fact, the theories of mobilization and reinforcement place essentially different
emphasis on the internet per se in shaping the on-line activity of citizens. The proponents
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