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Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

Parties, Candidates and Citizens On-Line - Åbo Akademi

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providing the kind of structure for political action <strong>and</strong> activity that most citizens want,<br />

not just those already politically motivated, interested <strong>and</strong> active off-line.<br />

In the third situation, environment C, on-line politics is not mobilizing citizens<br />

into political activity <strong>and</strong> participation, but the smaller <strong>and</strong> marginal political actors are<br />

able to compete with the major actors. In essence, this resembles the situation on the<br />

internet before the medium started its extraordinarily rapid spread to the general public.<br />

In these early days, fringe parties <strong>and</strong> other marginal political groups were the dominating<br />

presence on-line (Margolis et al. 2003, 54; Margolis & Resnick 2000, 54). Considered from<br />

the pull-perspective, this situation is quite ambiguous. The smaller actors are maintaining<br />

a web presence which equals, or surpasses, that of the major actors, even though there are<br />

no signs of on-line mobilization. The smaller political actors possibly regard the internet<br />

as an affordable outlet for their ideas compared to traditional media, <strong>and</strong> maintain a web<br />

presence, so-to-speak, just for the sake of having it. For the major actors, they are most<br />

likely relying on traditional campaigning for catching the politically active citizens, <strong>and</strong> so<br />

there appears to be little reason for making any extensive efforts on-line. From the pushperspective,<br />

the websites of the smaller actors are obviously not providing a structure for<br />

on-line political activity which is attracting citizens who are currently marginalized from<br />

mainstream off-line politics. <strong>On</strong> the contrary, the citizens who engage in on-line political<br />

activity appear to be among those politically interested <strong>and</strong> active off-line. It is possible<br />

that, even though the major parties are not dominating in terms of providing a structure<br />

for political action, the little efforts they make are nonetheless succeeding in attracting<br />

some of the citizens with high civic <strong>and</strong> political interest.<br />

Finally, in environment D, both the political actors <strong>and</strong> the citizens show signs of<br />

the optimistic effects envisioned by the equalization <strong>and</strong> mobilization theories. <strong>Citizens</strong><br />

not normally engaged in political activity off-line are seizing the on-line opportunities for<br />

activity <strong>and</strong> participation. There is also evidence of equal on-line competition among the<br />

political actors. From the pull-viewpoint, the smaller actors seem to be focusing their<br />

resources towards web campaigning in order to reach the growing on-line audience. The<br />

major actors apparently have not realized the existence of this web audience for politics.<br />

Hypothetically, they could also deem making any extensive efforts in catching these online<br />

citizens as waste of time <strong>and</strong> resources. From the push-perspective, it seems as if the<br />

websites of the smaller political actors are providing a political structure which facilitates a<br />

kind of political activity that also attracts citizens who are not normally politically active.<br />

Regardless of the causal directions, the internet could have a lasting impact on political<br />

life in this situation as the smaller political actors are able to compete with the major<br />

actors over the attention of a growing <strong>and</strong> potentially more engaged internet audience.<br />

20<br />

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