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Freedom by the Sword - US Army Center Of Military History

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Chapter 1<br />

Mustering In—Federal Policy on<br />

Emancipation and Recruitment<br />

On 12 April 1861, Confederate shore batteries at Charleston opened a two-day<br />

bombardment of Fort Sumter, <strong>the</strong> federal outpost that commanded <strong>the</strong> harbor entrance.<br />

The day after <strong>the</strong> garrison surrendered, President Abraham Lincoln called<br />

on <strong>the</strong> loyal states to provide seventy-five thousand militia to put down <strong>the</strong> insurrection;<br />

he promised Unionist or undecided residents of <strong>the</strong> seven seceded states<br />

that Union armies would take “<strong>the</strong> utmost care . . . to avoid any . . . interference<br />

with property.” Two days after Lincoln’s call, <strong>the</strong> Virginia legislature passed an<br />

ordinance of secession, asserting that <strong>the</strong> federal government had “perverted” its<br />

powers “to <strong>the</strong> oppression of <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn slaveholding states.” Americans North<br />

and South knew what kind of “property” <strong>the</strong> president meant “to avoid . . . interference<br />

with.” 1<br />

Some politicians and journalists were even more forthright. Addressing a secessionist<br />

audience at Savannah in March, <strong>the</strong> Confederate vice president, Alexander<br />

H. Stephens, called “African slavery . . . <strong>the</strong> immediate cause” of secession.<br />

The new government’s “foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests, upon <strong>the</strong> great<br />

truth that <strong>the</strong> Negro is not equal to <strong>the</strong> white man; that slavery, subordination to<br />

<strong>the</strong> superior race, is his natural and moral condition.” Four months later, just after<br />

<strong>the</strong> Union defeat at Bull Run, a New York Times editorial predicted that <strong>the</strong> war<br />

would result in <strong>the</strong> abolition of slavery. Charles Sumner, <strong>the</strong> senior U.S. senator<br />

from Massachusetts, was equally confident. By prolonging <strong>the</strong> war, he told his<br />

fellow abolitionist, Wendell Phillips, Bull Run “made <strong>the</strong> extinction of Slavery<br />

inevitable.” 2<br />

The <strong>Army</strong>’s senior officer, Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott, had been weighing possible<br />

responses to secession even before Lincoln took <strong>the</strong> oath of office. One course<br />

of action was to assert federal authority <strong>by</strong> force. To invade <strong>the</strong> South would require<br />

“300,000 disciplined men,” Scott told Secretary of State Designate William<br />

H. Seward. The old general allowed one-third of this force for guard duty behind<br />

1 The War of <strong>the</strong> Rebellion: A Compilation of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Of</strong>ficial Records of <strong>the</strong> Union and Confederate<br />

Armies, 70 vols. in 128 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing <strong>Of</strong>fice, 1880–1901), ser. 3, 1: 68<br />

(“<strong>the</strong> utmost”); ser. 4, 1: 223 (“perverted”) (hereafter cited as OR).<br />

2 New York Times, 27 March (“African slavery”), and 29 July 1861; Beverly W. Palmer, ed.,<br />

Selected Letters of Charles Sumner, 2 vols. (Boston: Nor<strong>the</strong>astern University Press, 1990), 2: 70<br />

(“made <strong>the</strong> extinction”).

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