Revolution Televised.pdf
Revolution Televised.pdf
Revolution Televised.pdf
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6 Reading the Roots of Resistance<br />
the NAACP, this idea of a positive black identity takes on a variety<br />
of forms depending on the politics of the black individual or group<br />
in subsequent history.<br />
The concern with how the white world viewed the black world<br />
became even more critical when African Americans were represented<br />
on mainstream American television. The first shows to star<br />
black people were Amos ’n’ Andy (1951–53) and Beulah (1950–53),<br />
which motivated African Americans, the NAACP in particular,<br />
to confront the television industry, because they believed these<br />
programs harkened back to stereotypical notions of blackness and<br />
would have a negative impact on the black community seeking full<br />
integration. The importance of having positive representations of<br />
African Americans on television became a part of the critical discourse<br />
from television’s inception. After a period of relative invisibility<br />
in the 1950s, black civil rights images were given some emphasis<br />
in the 1960s in the news and in a few integrationist shows such as<br />
I Spy (1965–68) and Julia (1968–71). The 1970s proved to be the<br />
era in which African Americans were integrated into fictionalized<br />
television as never before. I illustrate the manner in which these<br />
racial projects and the concern with uplifting the race shaped the<br />
criticism of television in the 1970s. I argue that the harsh reproach<br />
and dismissal of fictionalized television characters from within segments<br />
of the black community in the 1970s arose from these underlying<br />
political ideologies.<br />
In order to reinterrogate television of the Black <strong>Revolution</strong>, I<br />
follow the path laid out by such social historians as Robin D. G.<br />
Kelley. In Race Rebels, Kelley looks at the politics of the everyday<br />
and the “hidden transcripts” of cultural production in order to obtain<br />
a more detailed picture of a historical moment. Interpreting the<br />
work of political anthropologist James C. Scott, Kelley argues:<br />
[D]espite appearances of consent, oppressed groups challenge those<br />
in power by constructing a “hidden transcript,” a dissident political<br />
culture that manifests itself in daily conversations, folklore, jokes,<br />
songs, and other cultural practices. One also finds the hidden transcript<br />
emerging “onstage” in spaces controlled by the powerful,<br />
though almost always in disguised forms. 14<br />
Using this framework, one can consider the hidden transcripts created<br />
by African Americans who participated in television’s produc-